Choice of Spouse, Integration and Citizenship: The Case of Marriages between Greek Cypriots and Non-nationals

Abstract

This article examines cross-national marriages between migrant women and Greek Cypriot men in the Republic of Cyprus. The focus is on citizenship issues and marriage migration, patterns of socioeconomic, cultural and legal integration and/or exclusion, and prejudice against international migrant spouses. The aim is to contribute to our understanding of how state policies on migration and citizenship shape patterns of cross-national marriage and forms of migrant integration into a specific society. Connecting statistical, interview and survey findings, the article also illustrates the role of the state and societal attitudes in shaping citizenship, channelling the regional choice of migrant marriage partners for Greek Cypriot men and women and influencing integration patterns for non-national spouses.

Keywords:

• International Migrant Spouses
• Cross-National Marriage
• Integration Patterns
• Social Exclusion
• Citizenship

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the editors of South European Society and Politics, especially Susannah Verney, and the anonymous reviewers of this paper, for their very helpful suggestions and editorial work.

Notes

 [1] An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the international conference ‘Women and Citizenship in a Local/Global World’ of the International Sociological Association ISA-RC32 < Women in Society>, Athens, 2007, www.isa-sociology.org/rc32.htm

 [2] According to the Demographic Survey Report (PIO 2006, p. 12), 755,400 of the total 854,300 population in 2005 lived in the territories under the control of the Republic; Greek Cypriots were estimated at 656,000, Turkish Cypriots at 87,000 and foreign citizens at 110,000.

 [3] See for details Fulias-Souroulla (2006). The figures for immigration into Cyprus refer only to documented migrants. There have been no regularisation measures in Cyprus so far and those who are found to be residing or working ‘illegally’ are expatriated.

 [4] Data from Demographic Report No. 42/2004 and No. 44/2006 Statistical Service, Republic of Cyprus.

 [5] Amended with laws N.65(I)/2003, 76(I)/2003 and 62(I)/2004.

 [6] Both types are equally valid by law. Biases are introduced into the statistics, as many couples hold both ceremonies.

 [7] When the nationalities with registered data are combined, three clusters result: (1) the East European group consisting of the following nationalities: Romanian, Bulgarian, Russian, Moldavian, Ukrainian, Belarusian and citizens of the former Yugoslavia; (2) the Euro-American group with five nationalities: Greek, British, US, German and Irish; and (3) the Asian/African group composed of the nationalities: Filipino, Israeli, Iranian, Lebanese, Sri Lankan, Chinese, Syrian, Pakistani, Indian and Egyptian.

 [8] Population Statistics, Demographic Report No. 44, Statistical Service, Republic of Cyprus, 2006.

 [9] Both the interviews and the survey were conducted between September 2004 and February 2005.

[10] These publications are: a Greek newspaper (Σημϵρινή), an English weekly magazine (Cyprus Weekly) and a Russian weekly newspaper (Evropa Kipr). In sum, ten respondents were selected through newspaper advertisement and eight through networking sampling.

[11] More information on the interview guide and the survey questionnaire is available in Fulias-Souroulla (2006).

[12] Specifically, the foreign spouses comprised five Romanians, three Russians, two Bulgarians, one Ukrainian and one Czech in the group of women from East European countries and two English, one Swedish, one Danish, one German and one Australian woman in the group of Euro-American women.

[13] For more details see Fulias-Souroulla (2006).

[14] A possible explanation for using the word ‘foreigner’ instead of ‘migrant’ or ‘immigrant’ (both the latter are translated by a single word, μϵτανάστης, in Greek) concerns the fact that immigration into Cyprus is a recent phenomenon induced by economic needs and defined as temporary. The first Cypriot government that allowed in migrants in the early 1990s labelled these people ‘foreign workers’, placing them under a very strict regime of temporary immigration. Quite often, however, temporary workers may become permanent settlers with time. Cypriot governments have had serious problems in acknowledging this development. Under the current coalition government a change seems to be occurring. It might also be mentioned that Greek Cypriots use the word ξένοι (foreigners) as synonymous for ‘guests’, as in the phrase ‘Eχουμϵ ξένους’ (We have guests). But there is an assumption here that the guest will leave and not remain even if welcomed.

[15] At the time of her marriage, before Bulgaria's EU entry, Bulgarian citizens needed an entry visa issued on the basis of a work contract.

[16] As the survey findings showed.

[17] The role of the Orthodox Church and its link with the Greek Cypriots’ sense of national identity is worth mentioning here. The nationalisation of Orthodoxy is a phenomenon commonly encountered in the Balkan area. In this respect, the Cypriot Orthodox Church has assumed a particularly dynamic role, being the spiritual leader of the nation (Mavratsas 2003, p.33). Evidence from the rise of the Greek-nation state attests that sexual intercourse or marriage with Muslims was condemned as ‘inconceivable’, a ‘monstrous exception’ destroying the ‘purity’ of the nation (Kyrris 1986, p. 52). Even nowadays, erotic liaisons between Greeks and Greek Muslims may lead to the banishment of the lovers (Petronoti 2006).