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Articles

Sticking to Their Guns? The Politics of Arms Decommissioning in Northern Ireland, 1998–2007

Pages 341-361 | Published online: 13 Jul 2010
 

Abstract

The problem of how to deal with weapons held by paramilitary groups looms large over recent Northern Irish history. It delayed power-sharing for nine years after the 1998 Agreement and contributed to seismic change in the political landscape, but existing research has failed to adequately account for decommissioning's massive political impact. This article addresses this topic. It probes how the main parties handled the issue of decommissioning after 1998 and how that issue, in turn, affected the parties and party system. A theme throughout is how the parties' contrasting approaches to decommissioning reflected their divergent perspectives on one of the peace process's central, and most controversial, structural features: the inclusion of paramilitary-linked parties. This theme is taken up more directly in the concluding discussion which strives, with the aid of some of the theoretical literature, to tie together the threads from the main analysis and explains why decommissioning had such a dramatic impact on peace implementation in Northern Ireland.

Acknowledgements

This article draws on doctoral research carried out at the University of Ulster under the supervision of Prof. Paul Arthur and Dr Emmet O'Connor.

Notes

David Mitchell is an independent scholar who taught and completed doctoral research at the University of Ulster, Magee College, where he was an Associate of INCORE. Current research interests include contemporary Northern Ireland, peace processes and peace implementation.

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 [2] Agreement, 20.

 [3] CitationHain, Peacemaking in Northern Ireland; CitationPowell, ‘What I Learned in Belfast’.

 [4] CitationTrimble, ‘An Ulster Betrayal’.

 [5] For example CitationO'Kane, ‘Decommissioning and the Peace Process’; CitationMacGinty, ‘Biting the Bullet’.

 [6] See CitationBrown and Hauswedell, Burying the Hatchet, 21.

 [7] Indeed, the role played by parties as the principal medium through which communities were represented was one of the distinctive features of the Northern Ireland peace process. CitationDarby and MacGinty, Guns and Government, 65.

 [8] It is estimated that between 47 per cent and 49 per cent of unionists voted against the Agreement. CitationMelaugh and McKenna, ‘Results of the Referenda’.

 [9] CitationMillar, David Trimble, 77; see also CitationMorgan, The Belfast Agreement, 448.

[10] CitationUlster Unionist Party, Implementing the Agreement.

[11] Cited in CitationTrimble, To Raise Up, 36.

[12] CitationTrimble, Reflections, 18.

[13] Millar, David Trimble, 75–6.

[14] CitationGodson, Himself Alone, 628–9.

[15] CitationTonge and Evans, ‘Faultlines in Unionism’, 122.

[16] Trimble, To Raise Up, 65–72.

[17] Trimble, Reflections, 17.

[18] CitationUlster Unionist Party, Westminster 2001.

[19] CitationUlster Unionist Party, Assembly 2003.

[20] CitationAdams, A Farther Shore, 369.

[21] CitationMoloney, A Secret History, 509–21.

[22] CitationMcLaughlin, ‘Time to Get Off the Roundabout’.

[23] CitationAdams, ‘A Solid Record’.

[24] CitationSinn Féin, Towards a Lasting Peace; see also CitationPatterson, The Politics of Illusion, 280.

[25] CitationMcGuinness, Speech at Ard Fheis, 2001.

[26] CitationMcLaughlin, ‘Speech to Belfast Rally’.

[27] CitationMacGinty, ‘From Revolution to Reform’, 132–3.

[28] Moloney, A Secret History, 527.

[29] CitationAughey, The Politics of Northern Ireland, 128.

[30] Trimble, To Raise Up, 140.

[31] CitationBean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin, 113.

[32] See Powell, ‘What I Learned in Belfast’; and Trimble, ‘An Ulster Betrayal’.

[33] Moloney, A Secret History, 505.

[34] CitationMallon, ‘Statement on Resignation’.

[35] CitationFarren, ‘The SDLP—Governing with Uncertainty’, 114.

[36] CitationRogers, ‘Opinion’.

[37] For example CitationKennedy, ‘The SDLP Must Accept Part of the Blame’; CitationThomson, ‘It Didn't Have to be This Way’.

[38] CitationHume, Personal Views, 29.

[39] MacGinty, ‘Biting the Bullet’, 239. However, whether such exclusion did indeed cause the failure of Sunningdale has been contested; see CitationHorowitz, ‘The Northern Ireland Agreement’, 98–100.

[40] Farren, ‘It's the Agreement’.

[41] CitationFarren, ‘The SDLP—Governing with Uncertainty’, 120.

[42] CitationO'Doherty, ‘Glum Faces in the SDLP’.

[43] CitationRuohomaki, ‘Two Elections, Two Contests’.

[44] CitationCampbell, Speech at UL; also CitationPaisley, Speech at DUP Conference, 2001.

[45] CitationDUP Westminster Manifesto, 2005.

[46] Speech by Ian Paisley, Portrush, 12 July 2006, quoted in CitationMoloney, Paisley, 441.

[47] CitationWallis, Bruce and Taylor, ‘No Surrender!’, 23.

[48] CitationSouthern, ‘Ian Paisley’.

[49] Serious illness in 2004 and the influence of his wife Eileen have also been noted as possible influences on Paisley's decision to restore the institutions; see Moloney, Paisley, 425, 449.

[50] Moloney, Paisley, 530; also CitationBruce, Paisley, 206.

[51] Hain, Peacemaking in Northern Ireland; Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room; CitationAncram, ‘The Middle East Peace Process’.

[52] Darby and MacGinty, Guns and Government, 64.

[53] CitationMitchell and Haas, ‘Irish Lessons for Peace’.

[54] Author interview with Jeffrey Donaldson MP, 18 May 2009.

[55] CitationWilson, ‘From Violence to Intolerance’, 213.

[56] Quoted in CitationMillar, ‘Siege Lifts’.

[57] CitationDixon, ‘A Myth of the Northern Irish Peace Process’.

[58] See CitationBew et al, Talking to Terrorists; Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room; CitationMitchell, ‘Conditions for Peace’.

[59] See CitationMitchell, ‘Cooking the Fudge’.

[60] CitationSnyder and Jervis, ‘Civil War and the Security Dilemma’.

[61] CitationHorowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 346.

[62] CitationHorowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 346 348.

[63] CitationBirnir, Ethnicity and Electoral Politics.

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