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Acknowledgments
This article expands and updates our article, “A Diplomatic Option To Avoid Endless War In Ukraine,” published in Noema Magazine on 5 December 2022, https://www.noemamag.com/a-diplomatic-option-toavoid-endless-war-in-ukraine/.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 Shashank Joshi, “Three Scenarios on How the War in Ukraine Could Play Out,” The Economist, 14 November 2022, Brian Michael Jenkins, “Consequences of the War in Ukraine,” RAND Blog, 24 February 2023, https://rand.org/pubs/commentary/2023/02/consequences-of-the-war-in-ukraine.html.
2 Jochecova, Ketrin, “Slovakia halts Ukraine aid after pro-Russia Fico’s election win,” Politico, 6 October 2023, https://www.politico.eu/article/slovakia-president-caputova-says-no-military-package-ukraine-aid-after-elections-results/ (accessed 30 November 2023).
3 Peyvand Khorsandi, “‘This War Must End’: The Ukraine Crisis Seven Months On,” World Food Program, 17 September 2022, https://www.wfp.org/stories/war-must-end-ukraine-crisis-seven-months.
4 Masha Gessen, “Why Vladimir Putin Would Use Nuclear Weapons in Ukraine,” New Yorker, 1 November 2022; Timothy Snynder, “How does the Russo-Ukrainian War end?” Timothy Snyder Substack, 5 November 2022, https://snyder.substack.com/p/how-does-the-russo-ukrainian-war.
5 Andrew F. Krepinevich, “Is Putin a Rational Actor? How and Why the Kremlin Might Use the Bomb,” Foreign Affairs, 22 November 2022.
6 “A Ukrainian Attempt to Retake Crimea would be Bloody and Difficult,” The Economist, 27 November 2022.
7 Shashank Joshi, “Three Scenarios for How War in Ukraine Could Play Out,” The Economist, 14 November 2022.
8 Piotr Buras, Marie Dumoulin, Gustav Gressel, and Jeremy Shapiro, “Survive and Thrive: A European Plan to Support Ukraine in the Long War Against Russia,” European Council on Foreign Relations, 9 September 2022, https://ecfr.eu/publication/survive-and-thrive-a-european-plan-to-support-ukraine-in-the-long-war-against-russia/.
9 For an early genealogy see Richard Caplan, International Governance of War-Torn Territories: Rule and Reconstruction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
10 Richard Caplan, “From Collapsing States to Neo-Trusteeship: The Limits to Solving the Problem of ‘Precarious Statehood’ in the Twenty-First Century,” Third World Quarterly 28, no. 2 (2007): 231–44; David A. Lake and Christopher J. Fariss, “Why International Trusteeship Fails: The Politics of External Authority in Areas of Limited Statehood,” Governance: An International Journal of Policy, Administration, and Institutions 27, no. 4 (2014): 573–75; James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, “Neotrusteeship and the Problem of Weak States,” International Security 28, no. 4 (2004): 5–43; Bain William, “Trusteeship and Contemporary International Society,” in Rethinking Ethical Foreign Policy: Pitfalls, Possibilities and Paradoxes, ed. David Chandler and Volker Heins (London: Routledge, 2007), 228–32.
11 Carsten Stahn, The Law and Practice of International Territorial Administration: Versailles to Iraq and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
12 Ibid., 7.
13 “Tangier as an International City: A Hybrid Space Giving Birth to a Hybrid Literature,” Morocco World News, 4 July 2012, https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2012/07/46745/tangier-as-an-international-city-a-hybrid-space-giving-birth-to-a-hybrid-literature-3.
14 Zara Steiner, The Lights that Failed: European International History 1919–1933 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 87–88, 336.
15 Ibid.
16 Andrew Thomas Park, “Administering the Administrators: The League of Nations and the Problem of International Territorial Administration in the Saar 1919–1923,” International History Review 44, no. 3 (2022): 540–58.
17 Stahn, The Law and Practice of International Territorial Administration, 14.
18 Ibid., 66–7.
19 United Nations Charter, Chapter XII: International Trusteeship System, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/chapter-12. United Nations Trusteeship Council, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/trusteeship-council.
20 United Nations Charter, Article 24. https://legal.un.org/repertory/art24.shtml/.
21 A. Dirk Moses, “A Path to Peace: The UN Administration of Crimea,” The Hill, 12 October 2022, https://thehill.com/opinion/international/3683154-a-path-to-peace-the-un-administration-of-crimea/.
22 Lenard J. Cohen and Jasna Dragović-Soso, eds., State Collapse in South-Eastern Europe: New Perspectives on Yugoslavia’s Disintegration (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2008).
23 Richard Caplan, Trusteeship? The International Administration of War-Torn Territories (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014).
24 Samir Kajosevic, “Montenegro Pushes for Arbitration Over Prevlaka Dispute with Croatia,” Balkan Insight, 5 October 2022, https://balkaninsight.com/2020/10/05/montenegro-pushes-for-arbitration-over-prevlaka-dispute-with-croatia/.
25 For example, see ICTY’s case against the then leader of RSK Milan Babic, https://www.icty.org/en/case/babic.
26 UNTAES, United Nations: https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/202323?ln=en (accessed 30 November 2023).
27 James Dobbins, ed., The UN’s Role in Nation-Building: From the Congo to Iraq (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2005), 123.
28 Derek Boothby, “The Political Challenges of Administering Eastern Slavonia,” Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 10, no. 1 (2004): 37–51.
29 Richard Caplan, “Who Guards the Guardians? International Accountability in Bosnia,” International Peacekeeping 12, no. 3 (2005): 463–76.
30 Gerald Knaus and Felix Martin. “Travails of the European Raj,” Journal of Democracy 14, no. 3 (2003): 60–74. ON the colonial background of trusteeships, see Christopher Allsobrook and Camilla Boisen, “Two Types of Trusteeship in South Africa: From Subjugation to Separate Development,” Politikon 44, no. 2 (2017): 265–68.
31 Alex Jeffrey, “Building State Capacity in Post-Conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Case of Brčko District,” Political Geography 25, no. 2 (2006): 203–27.
32 Lise Morjé Howard, “US Foreign Policy Habits in Ethnic Conflict,” International Studies Quarterly 59, no. 4, (2015): 721–34.
33 Florian Bieber, “After Dayton, Dayton? The Evolution of an Unpopular Peace,” Ethnopolitics 5, no. 1 (2006): 15–31.
34 Roger MacGinty, “Indigenous Peace-Making Versus the Liberal Peace.” Cooperation and Conflict 43, no. 2 (2008): 139–63.
35 Olga Martin-Ortega, “Building Peace and Delivering Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Limits of Externally Driven Processes,” in Transitional Justice and Peacebuilding on the Ground: Victims and Ex-Combatants, ed. Chandra Lekha Sriam, Jemmima Garcia-Godos, and Johana Herman (London and New York: Routledge, 2012), 139–59.
36 Marko Milanovic, “Sejdic and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina,” American Journal of International Law 104, no. 4 (2010): 636–41.
37 Adis Merdzanovic, “A Few Thoughts on the Contemporary Role of the OHR in BiH,” 30 June 2019, https://adismerdzanovic.com/2019/06/30/a-few-thoughts-on-the-contemporary-role-of-the-ohr-in-bih/.
38 Information Note Concerning Special Report No. 2/96 of the Court of Auditors: Administration of Mostar by the European Union and the Administrator's Accounts., 3 July 1996, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ECA_96_2.
39 Mirsad Behram, “Ethnic Parties Reassert Grip on Bosnia’s Mostar at Landmark Election,” Balkan Insight, 23 December 2020, https://balkaninsight.com/2020/12/23/ethnic-parties-reassert-grip-on-bosnias-mostar-at-landmark-election/.
40 Miruna Troncota, “Bosnia Herzegovina, Forever at Cross Roads? Constructing ‘the other’ in Brčko District,” Eurotimes Supplement 3 (2010): 47–65, https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-293763.
41 International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Brcko: Getting In, Getting On and Getting Out,” 2 June 2003.
42 Richard Holbrooke, To End a War: The Conflict in Yugoslavia – America's Inside Story – Negotiating with Milosevic (New York: Random House, 1999), 296.
43 International Crisis Group, “Bosnia’s Brcko: Getting In, Getting On and Getting Out,” 2 June 2003, https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans/bosnia-and-herzegovina/bosnias-brcko-getting-getting-and-getting-out.
44 International Crisis Group, “Dayton: Two Years On: A Review of Progress in Implementing the Dayton Peace Accords in Bosnia,” 19 November 1997, https://www.refworld.org/docid/3de2054e4.html (accessed 30 November 2023).
45 Tomas Vail, “The Brčko Arbitration: A Process for Lasting Peace between Non-State Actors,” in Non-State Actors and International Obligations: Creation Evolution and Enforcement, ed. James Summers and Alex Gough (Nijhoff: Brill, 2018), 313–41.
46 Arbitral Tribunal for Dispute Over Inter-Entity Boundary in Brcko Area, 5 March 1999, https://1997-2001.state.gov/www/regions/eur/bosnia/990305_arbiter_brcko.html (accessed 30 November 2023).
47 Adisa Avdic-Kusmus, “Post-Communist Development in Bosnia and Herzegovina: What Future for Brcko District?” The Free Library, 1 October 2015, https://www.thefreelibrary.com/Post-communistdevelopment in Bosnia and Herzegovina: what future for … -a0433121463 (accessed 30 November 2023).
48 It even declared independence in 1991 but was not recognized as it was not officially considered a republic.
49 “31600 documents undoubtedly confirm death or disappearance of 13535 individuals during war in Kosovo,” 6 February 2015, Humanitarian Law Center, http://www.hlc-rdc.org/?cat=218&lang=de.
50 Rambouillet Accord, https://peacemaker.un.org/sites/peacemaker.un.org/files/990123_RambouilletAccord.pdf.
51 Laura Wise, “Was NATO’s Intervention in Kosovo in 1999 “Just”?’ E-International Relations, 21 June 2013, https://www.e-ir.info/2013/06/21/was-natos-intervention-in-kosovo-in-1999-just/.
52 Masha Gessen, “Crimea Is Putin’s Revenge,” Slate, 21 March 2014, https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2014/03/putins-crimea-revenge-ever-since-the-u-s-bombed-kosovo-in-1999-putin-has-been-planning-to-get-even.html.
53 Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999) on the situation relating Kosovo, 10 June 1999, https://peacemaker.un.org/kosovo-resolution1244.
54 Secretary General of the UN to the President of the Security Council, 26 March 1991, https://www.un.org/depts/oip/background/reports/s22366.pdf.
55 International Court of Justice, “Accordance with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo,” https://www.icj-cij.org/en/case/141.
56 Marina Vulović, “How the EU can Secure the Implementation of the ‘European proposal,’” SWP Comment, no. 36 (July 2023), https://www.swp-berlin.org/publications/products/comments/2023C36_WesternBalkans.pdf.
57 “Net Official Development Assistance Received (Current US$) – Kosovo,” The World Bank, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/DT.ODA.ODAT.CD?locations=XK&view=map.
58 Jade McGlynn, “For Putin, Invading Ukraine Is Revenge for NATO’s Kosovo War,” Foreign Policy, 3 March 2023.
59 Edward N. Luttwak, “Give War a Chance,” Foreign Affairs, 1 July 1999.
60 Christoph Zürcher, Carrie Manning, and Kristie Evenson, Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization after War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013).
61 “Ukraine and Donbas,” Levada Center, 16 April 2021, https://www.levada.ru/en/2021/04/16/ukraine-and-donbas/.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
A. Dirk Moses
A. Dirk Moses is the Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of International Relations at the City College of New York, CUNY. He is the author of The Problems of Genocide: Permanent Security and the Language of Transgression (2021) and is the senior editor of the Journal of Genocide Research.
Jessie Barton Hronešová
Jessie Barton Hronešová is a lecturer in political sociology at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies at University College London. She was formerly a Marie Sklodowska-Curie Global Fellow at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and Ca’ Foscari University in Venice, funded by the European Union (2021–2023), and an ESRC postdoctoral fellow at the Oxford Department of International Development (2019 to 2021). She is the author of The Struggle for Redress Victim Capital in Bosnia and Herzegovina (2020) and many articles on southeast and central European politics.