ABSTRACT
Embedded in the debate in the Philippines over food security and food sovereignty are three conventional reasons why the country is a longstanding rice importer: geography, exploitative international policy pressure predicated on the dictates of neoliberalism, and colonial history. This paper argues that these conventional reasons share two limitations. First, they attribute mono-causal reasons for perennial rice imports, either in the form of geography, exogenous power, or history. While these perspectives are not wrong, each on its own is inadequate. Multiple, contributing factors have and will continue to abound. Second, each of these arguments limits Filipinos' agency. Through a four-part argument, I show how Filipinos have had more say in the reasons for serial rice imports than these conventional accounts allow.
Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank Dean Dr Christian George Francisco of De La Salle University-Dasmariñas for inviting me to his Social Science Department's January 2014 International Convention on ASEAN Community 2015, where I first presented this argument. Portia Reyes, Yoshi Nishizaki, seven anonymous reviewers, and the editors of Critical Asian Studies helped to make the final version vastly superior to the original.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor
Jamie S. Davidson is an associate professor of Political Science at the National University of Singapore. His latest book is entitled Indonesia's Changing Political Economy: Governing the Roads (2015).
Notes
1As a result of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs negotiations in 1994, the country was granted its own schedule for the gradual liberalization of its rice imports.
4Although an import duty was lifted in 1857 as a means to keep wages low, the policy had a lingering, depressive effect on rice production (Mears et al. Citation1974, 6).
8Constantino and Constantino Citation1978, 326–328. At the close of the nineteenth century Philippine revolutionary forces had defeated the Spanish but the Americans intervened and by 1902 they had gained control of most of the islands after a brutal suppression of Philippine fighters.
10Mears et al. Citation1974, Appendix 2.6, 334–335. The population grew from 9.5 million in 1916 to 15.4 million in 1937.
11From 1930 to 1935, the colony averaged 11,766 tons of imported rice (Mears et al. Citation1974, Appendix 2.1, 330).
16Doronila Citation1992, 26. Pomeroy questions his nationalist credentials, however, because of his family's business dealings (Citation1974, 58–59).
20Henares was likely reacting to the expansion of sugar lands as a result of decontrol (see below). From 1960 to 1965, their annual growth surged to 6.1 percent, up from 1.9 percent during the previous five years (Treadgold and Hooley Citation1967, 119).
21That coconuts favor coastal regions less suitable for rice lessens their direct competition.
27Our Correspondent Citation2013. For decades, conservative groups led by the Catholic Church had stymied public debate and government action on the matter (Reyes Citation2002; Abinales and Amoroso Citation2005, 294–298).
28Overpopulation's impact on food security has worried Philippine intellectuals and officials for decades (Chioco Citation1958, 2; Mangahas Citation1975, 305; Salas Citation1985, 153).
30In the Green Revolution's case, IRRI and Filipino scientists did produce modern, high-yielding varieties, otherwise known as “miracle seeds.” Combined with improved water control and higher use of fertilizers, these features produced a technological revolution.
51Cited in Tadem Citation1986, 52. See also Fegan Citation1989, 138–139. On the National Food Authority (NFA), see below.
52“More rice from China & Indonesia,” Bulletin Today, November 23, 1984.
55Tadem Citation1986, 61. Putzel's conclusions echo that of Tadem's (1992, 142).
59These clauses were contained in the 1946 Bell (later the Philippines-USA) Trade Act (Pomeroy Citation1974, chapter 2).
60Import licenses bred “ten-percenters” among bureaucrats and legislators (Golay Citation1961, 77).
64Republic of the Philippines, Bureau of Agriculturial Economics Citation1960, 17, Table 7; Ruttan, Soothipan, and Venegas Citation1966.
66Lobaton Citation1963. The law's passage was merely the continuation of prolonger attempts of nationalist elites to “Filipinize” the country's commerce. This had included efforts in the grain sector (with the pre-WWII establishment of the National Rice and Corn Corporation) and the retail sectors (with the passage of the 1954 Nationalization Retail Trade Act) (Wickizer and Bennett Citation1941, 178–181; Hau Citation2014, 31–32).
67The IMF, World Bank, and USA supported the move (Hawes Citation1987, 37).
71Sicat Citation1972, 13. Such relevant legislation as the 1951 Minimum Wage Law excluded agricultural laborers (Doronila Citation1992, 63).
76Among the lowest in Asia, yields had hardly increased since the 1920s (Mears et al. Citation1974, 27–29, 336, Appendix 2.3).
81Retail prices, especially in Manila, often increased anyway because retailers anticipated the pattern and restricted supplies (Mangahas Citation1968).
86Balisacan and Sebastian Citation2006. Balisacan has since become the Socioeconomic Planning Secretary in President Benigno Aquino's cabinet; Sebastian at the time headed the state's Philippine Rice Research Institute (PhilRice).
89Sebastian, Bordey, and Alpuerto Citation2006, 46. The research intensity ratio compares the total research and development financing of a commodity with its gross value added. The standard recommendation for developing countries is one percent.
94The marked increase in spending on irrigation was seen as a reaction to the 2008 rice crisis. The NIA's 2012 budget of 24.4 billion pesos was three times its budget ten years earlier (Basilio Citation2012). For specifics of its shortfall, see Serafica Citation2013. The NIA's poor performance is in contrast with its success under Marcos (Ricks Citationn.d.).
98Balisacan and Sebastian Citation2006, 6. Clarete estimates that the cost of the government's rice price and import policies averaged 22.77 billion pesos annually (Citation2008, 188, Table 7.6).
102As of mid-2014, CARP had achieved eighty-four percent of its redistribution target of 5.37 million hectares, or some sixteen percent of the country's total land area with approximately 2.6 million recipients having received on average 1.2 hectares (Fabella Citation2014, 1).
107The DA does not publish data on ARBs in ARCs. The general belief is that the number is one-third to one-half. (Interview with Roehlano Briones, Philippines Institute of Development Studies, Manila, June 13, 2014.)
109The Agri-Agra Reform Credit Act of 2009 mandates that ten percent of this must be made to ABRs (Martin Citation2014).
110Interview with Hazel Tanchuling, Rice Watch and Action Network, Manila, June 2, 2014.
120“The Philippines plans to hold its 2012 import tender for 500,000 tons of rice in March.” Citation2012 The official self-sufficiency gap that year was eight percent.
123Official estimates also fail adequately to discount the country's sizable corn-eating population (approximately 7.5 percent) and the some eleven million citizens working abroad (Mendoza Citation2011a).
125In late 2011, the NFA began auctioning a limited number of licenses to importers. Outcomes are perceived to be largely predetermined.
131Meanwhile, farm-gate prices had fallen from 15 pesos in 2010 to 13.5 pesos per kilogram. Although retail prices remained flat at thirty-one pesos, the international rice price had risen about twenty percent from 2010 to December 2011 (Tiglao Citation2012).
132Anonymous interview with former NFA Head, Manila, July 24, 2014.
135Abelgas Citation2013. This is not to deny that coconut and corn famers on average are worse off than rice farmers.
136The totals are: 18.0 million metric tons in 2012, 18.4 million in 2013, and 18.9 million in 2014. See Philippine Statistics Authority, http://countrystat.bas.gov.ph (accessed May 11, 2015).
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Funding
Research for this article was supported by the National University of Singapore through its Academic Research Fund [grant # R-108-000-070-112].
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