Abstract
Zimbabwe gained political independence in 1980, but the initial achievements of Robert Mugabe’s government were short‐lived. Zimbabwean Christians have responded to the country’s crisis in various ways, including: avoiding political engagement, moral indifference, aggression and hostility, and prophetic engagement. Christians who pursue prophetic engagement believe that stubborn political authorities must always be confronted and held accountable—but in a manner that does not lose sight of the moral ends being pursued. Zimbabwean churches have a moral duty to contribute to the creation of a social, economic, political, and cultural context that facilitates the growth and fulfillment of every person.
Notes
1. Banana, “The Role of the Church,” 197–210.
2. This point is emphasized by Pope John Paul II in Ecclesia in Africa #47 where he says, “The church must begin by being evangelized herself.” He repeats the point in paragraph #76.
3. Masunungure, “Travails of Opposition Politics,” 147.
4. Raftopoulos, “Current Politics in Zimbabwe,” 9. Raftopoulos points out, “Estimates of the levels of those considered poor increased from 62 percent in 1995 to 75 percent in 2000.”
5. Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, “God Hears the Cry of the Oppressed.”
6. Ibid. Details of the collapse of national institutions are given by the Catholic bishops in their pastoral letter.
7. Meredith, The State of Africa, 618.
8. Kanyenze, Kondo, and Martens, eds., The Search for Sustainable Human Development.
9. Raftopoulos, “Current Politics in Zimbabwe,” 8.
10. Chung, Re‐living the Second Chimurenga; Tekere, A Lifetime of Struggle; and Nkomo, The Story of My Life.
11. Under pressure from Zimbabwe’s civil society led by the National Constitutional Assembly, the Zimbabwean government established a Commission to collect data for a new Constitution. Because of political manipulation, the government Draft Constitution was rejected by Zimbabweans in a referendum in 2000.
12. Morgan Tsvangirai is the leader of the MDC which now holds the majority of members of parliament. He is now the country’s prime minister yet ZANU PF still treats him and his party with less respect than he deserves.
13. President Robert Mugabe, The Sunday Mail, June 22, 2008.
14. Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe, The Language of Hate.
15. Scholz, “Robert Mugabe: Revolutionary or Rebel?,” 29.
16. Vatican Council II, “Decree on the Apostolate of Lay People,” 774.
17. Pope John Paul II, Ecclesia in Africa, #70.
18. Ibid.
19. Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference (ZCBC), Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), and Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe.
20. Mkaronda, “The Emerging Voices from Within the Church,” 45. A number of church leaders have been co‐opted by the ZANU PF government and rewarded by being allocated land, appointed to government positions, and protected from prosecution for breaking the law. Nicholas Mkaronda points out that, “[s]ome Pastors have taken the side of ZANU PF” and gives Nolbert Kunonga, the former Bishop of the Harare Diocese of the Anglican Church, as an example.
21. Muchena, “The Church and Reconciliation,” 257.
22. Pope John Paul II, Ecclesia in Africa, #90.
23. Unfortunately members of political parties, especially ZANU PF, have negatively influenced the church rather than the church helping to strengthen political parties in moral ways. Some church leaders have been bribed and coerced into supporting political parties and abandoning their Christian values.
24. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 2002, 13.
25. Ibid.