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ABSTRACT
This paper traces the emergence and impacts of the ethnic/racial dimension in the process of reconstructing democracy in Uruguay. This ethnic/racial element has developed over the past decade, with close precedents set in the 1990s. Yet it has been largely overlooked by policymakers and ignored in the government planning of the different administrations. The year 2005 marked a point of inflexion from the point of view of the introduction of ethnic/racial, and specifically Afro considerations as part of the interests and commitments of the Uruguayan government. These commitments and interests were linked to a changing international scenario for the acknowledgment of indigenous and Afro-descendants’ rights, with both indigenous groups and Afro-descendants exercising pressure on Latin American governments to adopt important policies such as the recognition of multiculturalism and ethnic diversity in their constitutions. Since Uruguay has been part of this transformation, the ethnic/racial issue can no longer be excluded from governmental policy agendas. To highlight the processes and challenges involved, the author reviews documentary and scholarly sources and analyzes qualitative data from interviews with Uruguayan political representatives and civil society activists.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1. Founded in 1971, this political force brings together the Uruguayan left, dissident sectors from the Colorado and National parties, and independent citizens, and it has become the greatest historical construction of the Uruguayan left. It is currently framed within the ideological spectrum as leftist tending towards moderate, and it is classified as a buffer in a society not accustomed to violent changes (Manuel and Flavia Citation2001).
2. I discuss this law in greater detail in my 2015 article, ‘Uruguay legisla acciones afirmativas para afrodescendientes’ (Olaza Citation2015). For analysis of the parliamentary debate over the drafted bill, see Olaza Citation2017b; for an overview of the opinions of Afro and non-Afro people regarding affirmative action, see Olaza Citation2017c.
3. For more on the construction of the Ansina complex, see Olaza Citation2019.
4. More information about its creation and operation can be found in Olaza Citation2017d.
5. I address aspects of this parliamentary discussion in comparison with that of Law 19.122 in my book Afrodescendientes en Uruguay: Debates sobre politicas de accion afirmativas (Olaza Citation2017a).
6. All laws can be found at <https://parlamento.gub.uy/>.
7. The reports can be accessed online at <https://www.gub.uy/oficina-nacional-servicio-civil/>.
8. This protocol can be accessed online at <http://dspace.mides.gub.uy:8080/xmlui/handle/123456789/1384>.
9. This protocol can be found online at <https://www.uy.undp.org/content/uruguay/es/home/library/poverty/Protocolo-ley-19122-Rivera.html>.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Mónica Olaza López
Mónica Olaza López earned her PhD in Sociology at Uruguay’s University of the Republic, where she now serves as Associate Professor and Coordinator of the graduate program on Afro-descendants and Public Policy. She is also a faculty member at the Artigas Institute for high school teachers and a fellow of Uruguay’s National System of Researchers. She is the author of numerous scholarly books, chapters, and papers on multi- and interculturality, identity, socio-cultural conflict, discrimination, citizenship, and public policy.