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ABSTRACT
Participatory processes (PPs) implemented around the world in the last 20 years have not led to critical social transformations, as was expected when participatory democracy was first projected. However, this kind of democratic innovation has continued to proliferate. In this context, the political effects of PPs must be examined more closely to understand their influence in deepening, or not, democracy. Based on six Spanish cases, the study focuses on four categories of change (towards inclusiveness, transparency, autonomy, and collaboration) in the relationship between civil society and local government authorities. The findings show a limited capacity of transformation because of the instrumentalization tendencies of political promoters, and the resistance of some social actors.
Acknowledgements
The authors have contributed equally to this article; the order of authors is alphabetical. We thank the other members of the research team: Pau Alarcón, Joan Font, Carol Galais, Fabiola Mota, Sara Pasadas, Carlos Ricos and Graham Smith.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
ORCiD
Manuel Jiménez Sánchez http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5479-8511
Notes
1. ‘An intensity sample consists of rich cases that manifest the phenomenon intensely (but not extremely). Extreme or deviant cases may be so unusual as to distort the manifestation of the phenomenon of interest’ (Patton, Citation1990, p. 171).
2. We excluded non-permanent designs (e.g. deliberative surveys) and focus instead on permanent mechanisms as ACs and participatory budgeting (with at least two rounds of participation).
3. The sampling frame from which our case studies were selected is MECPALO Database on local participatory mechanisms in Southern Europe (see Galais, Font, Alarcón, & Sesma, Citation2012).
4. A basic nomenclature has been established for cases to respect anonymity: PB-Andalusia corresponds to a mid-sized city in Andalusia, PB-Madrid and PB-Catalonia for the cases selected in those regions. For ACs, the logic is similar. None of the PPs was implemented in the capital cities of Andalusia, Madrid, or Catalonia, but in mid-sized cities.
5. The process included a final vote on a selection of proposals. Previous selection of proposals was made by the members of district roundtables.
6. We conducted about nine interviews per case (each, 45–60 minutes long). The profiles were selected for their ability to give precise information about the PP: representatives (reps.) of a recently constituted social group; reps. of a non-participant social group; reps. members of a pre-existing social group; member of a non-participant social group; PPP; administration staff/public officials (in the specific policy area); political authorities (party promoter); political authorities (in that specific policy area); opposition party representatives; and external observers (e.g. an academic, a journalist or a socially engaged person).
7. The results of the exploratory phase are based on expert academic and practitioner interviews and group interviews (see García Espín & Jiménez Sánchez, Citation2015).
8. The fact that there were proposal prioritization criteria of ‘social justice’ and ‘historic claim’ meant that peripheral neighbourhood associations were especially well situated to put in their proposals.
9. Administration officials also find a political opportunity to find solutions to long-standing problems. An observer of the PB-Madrid explained how the local administration also took the PP as an opportunity to solve long-standing demands left on the shelf as an exercise of ‘administrative activism’: ‘I would say that the [public] administration, rather than prioritise new issues, generated an “administrative activism” to solve problems to which it had not found a solution for a long time’ (PB-Madrid, man, external observer).
10. Now, an equal number of representatives from the local administration and from social groups is a requirement set down in the Andalusian Law on Volunteering. This point is one of the most criticized by political authorities and administrative personnel because it means that somehow administrative officials are duty-bound to attend council meetings, though they are not at all interested.
11. These self-interested demands for information do not follow any clear path towards policy-making. They are the public ‘voicing’ of particular demands. Once aired in the Advisory Council, they may acquire more visibility or more legitimacy, as being ‘publicly' sanctioned. Nevertheless, rather than changing the information flows, they reinforce the pre-existing (bilateral) patterns of communication.
12. Furthermore, in the Advisory Council cases, the dissemination of information does not guarantee publicity and availability to large audiences.
13. In an interview with a PPP, she argued that the local government decided not to implement this proposal because it was too costly. They had other priorities within the context of economic crisis.
14. As mentioned, the origin of the AC was a participatory process that entailed the incorporation of previously excluded actors.