Russian Reactions towards EU–Black Sea Integration

Abstract

This paper looks at how Russian policies towards the Black Sea countries have affected its relations with the European Union (EU), departing from Russian foreign policy and how its goals are projected in this area. The analysis seeks to shed light on how Russian political dealings conflate or clash with EU policies developed towards this space. Is the Black Sea area a space for convergence or instead is it promoting dissension in this bilateral relationship? Does Russia understand the EU as a ‘game changer’ in the area? To what extent does the involvement of other external players, such as the USA, with their different policy goals, affect political relations in this complex geography that is the Black Sea area? The paper argues that Russia has promoted a policy towards the Black Sea in line with its main foreign policy goals, and that regarding the EU, it has been following and (re)acting to EU policies and actions in diverse ways, though the Russian rhetoric towards the EU has been harsher than its political moves, due to an understanding of the EU as being a limited player in the area. Therefore, Russia does not perceive the EU as a potential ‘game changer’.

Notes

^[1] The post-Soviet republics are the 15 successor states to the former Soviet Union: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russian Federation, Tajikistan Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.

^[2] This paper follows an understanding of the Black Sea area in wide terms, matching the membership of the BSEC. For a discussion on the definition of this ‘region’, see D. Triantaphyllou, ‘The uncertain times of Black Sea regional security’, Euxeinos—Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe, 6, 2012, pp. 4–10.

^[3] The BSEC countries are: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Serbia, Turkey, Ukraine and the Russian Federation.

^[4] BSEC, ‘BSEC at a glance’, 1992, < http://www.bsec-organization.org/Information/Pages/bsec.aspx> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[5] The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) members include: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russian Federation, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan.

^[6] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, ‘Concept of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, approved by President of the Russian Federation V. Putin on 12 February 2013’, Ref. 303-18-02-2013, 2013.

^[7] M. R. Freire, ‘USSR/Russian Federation major power status inconsistencies’, in T. Volgy, R. Corbetta, K. Grant and R. Baird (eds), Major Powers and the Quest for Status in International Politics: Global and Regional Perspectives, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2011.

^[8] E. Fotiou, ‘Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform: what is at stake for regional cooperation?’, ICBSS Policy Brief, 16, International Centre for Black Sea Studies, Athens, 2009, p. 18.

^[9] See A. S. Makarychev, ‘Russia's search for international identity through the Sovereign Democracy Concept’, The International Spectator, 43(2), 2008, pp. 54–55.

^[10] President of Russia, ‘The draft of the European Security Treaty’, 29 November 2009, < http://eng.kremlin.ru/news/275> (accessed 20 October 2012).

^[11] Council of the European Union, ‘Eastern Partnership: the way ahead’, Joint Declaration of the Eastern Partnership Summit, Vilnius, 28–29 November 2013, p. 3.

^[12] Vladimir Putin cited in Nikolay Surkov, ‘Eurasian Economic Union to replace Customs Union’, Russia Beyond the Headlines, 28 October 2013, < http://rbth.co.uk/international/2013/10/28/eurasian_economic_union_to_replace_customs_union_31237.html> (accessed 1 November 2013).

^[13] European Commission, ‘EU–Armenia: about decision to join the Customs Union’, Brussels, 6 September 2013, < ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/fule/headlines/news/2013/09/20130906_en.htm> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[14] O. F. Tanrisever, ‘Turkey and Russia in the Black Sea region: dynamics of cooperation and conflict’, The EDAM Black Sea Discussion Paper Series 2012/1, Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies, The Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation, p. 26.

^[15] A. E. Stent, ‘Restoration and revolution in Putin's foreign policy’, Europe–Asia Studies, 60(6), 2008, p. 1102.

^[16] See, for example, ‘“Zero problems” policy supplanted by “precious loneliness” approach’, Today's Zaman, 25 August 2013, < www.todayzaman.com/news-324415-zero-problems-policy-supplantes-by-precious-loneliness-approach.html> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[17] D. Triantaphyllou, ‘The “security paradoxes” of the Black Sea region’, in D. Triantaphyllou (ed.), The Security Context in the Black Sea Region, Routledge, London, 2010, p. 9.

^[18] The post-September 11 context contributed to a great extent to this concern with transnational terrorism and to the design of policies directed at containing any potential threats. See, for example, T. Valasek, ‘U.S. policy toward the Caspian and Black Sea region’, The Quarterly Journal, 2(1), 2003, p. 16; F. S. Larrabee, ‘The United States and security in the Black Sea region’, in D. Triantaphyllou (ed.), The Security Context in the Black Sea Region, Routledge, London, 2010, p. 80.

^[19] I. Kobrinskaya, ‘The Black Sea region in Russia's current foreign policy paradigm’, PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 41, International Program of Carnegie Corporation of New York, 2008, p. 2. Emphasis in the original.

^[20] The President of Russia, ‘The foreign policy concept of the Russian Federation, approved by the president of the Russian Federation, V. Putin’, 28 June 2000; The President of Russia, ‘The foreign policy concept of the Russian Federation’, 12 July 2008.

^[21] The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, op. cit., p. 53.

^[22] Fotiou, op. cit., p. 4.

^[23] Chatham House, ‘The Black Sea region: new conditions, enduring interests’, Russia and Eurasia Programme Seminar Summary, held in conjunction with the Nicolae Titulescu European Foundation, 16 January 2009, p. 9.

^[24] Council of the European Union, ‘Joint statement of the EU–Russia summit on the launch of negotiations for a new EU–Russia agreement’, Khanty-Mansiysk, 27 June 2008.

^[25] Council of the European Union, ‘15th EU–Russia Summit, Moscow, 10 May 2005, Road Maps’, 11 May 2005.

^[26] For the annual Progress Reports on the implementation of the common spaces principles, see < http://eeas.europa.eu/russia/common_spaces/index_en.htm>.

^[27] Council of the European Union, ‘Joint Statement on the Partnership for Modernisation, EU–Russia Summit, 31 May–1 June 2010’, 1 June 2010.

^[28] D. Medvedev, ‘Speech at the meeting with Russian ambassadors and permanent representatives to international organisations’, Russian Foreign Ministry, Moscow, 15 July 2008, < http://www.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2008/07/15/1121_type82912type84779_204155.shtml> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[29] Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, ‘10 Theses on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP)’, Division for International Dialogue, Berlin, August 2008, p. 2.

^[30] K. Böttger and A. Schmidt, ‘Potentials and challenges for the ENP's Eastern dimension—which added-value from recent developments?’, remarks for discussion for the conference: ‘How to Improve the European Neighbourhood Policy? Concepts, Perceptions and Policy Recommendations for its Eastern Dimension’, Europe's Policy Research Network, Brussels, 4–5 November 2009.

^[31] A. Dubien and J. Vaquer i Fanés, ‘Security and energy security in the Black Sea region’, Standard Briefing, European Parliament, Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union, Brussels, 2010, p. 17.

^[32] European Commission, ‘European Neighbourhood & Partnership Instrument’, Development and Cooperation—Europeaid, 2013, < http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/finance/enpi_en.htm> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[33] Ferrero-Waldner cited in P. Flenley, ‘Russia and the EU: the clash of new neighbourhoods?’, Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 16(2), 2008, p. 194.

^[34] Ibid., p. 195.

^[35] See the final text of the joint declaration, Council of the European Union, ‘Eastern Partnership: the way ahead’, op. cit.

^[36] RFE/RL, ‘EU's Fuele says no Armenia deals to be signed in Vilnius’, 13 September 2013, < http://www.rferl.org/content/eu-armenia-fuele-russia-/25105412.html> (accessed 20 October 2013); A. Gardner, ‘Armenia chooses Russia over EU’, European Voice, 3 September 2013, < http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/2013/september/armenia-chooses-russia-over-eu/78090.aspx> (accessed 20 October 2013).

^[37] For example, Azerbaijan and Ukraine have been pursuing multi-vector policies, balancing relations with Russia, the EU and other partners. See the article by J. E. Strakes, ‘Situating the “balanced foreign policy”: the role of system structure in Azerbaijan's multi-vector diplomacy’, Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 15(1), 2013, pp. 37–67; M. R. Freire, ‘Ukraine's multi-vectorial foreign policy: looking West while not overlooking its Eastern neighbor’, UNISCI Discussion Papers, Complutense University, Madrid, 20, 2009, pp. 232–249.

^[38] N. Alexandrova-Arbatova, ‘Regional cooperation in the Black Sea area in the context of EU–Russia relations’, Xenophon Paper Series, 5, International Centre for Black Sea Studies (ICBSS), 2008, p. 10.

^[39] For further on the conflicts in the post-Soviet space, see the paper in this special issue by Licínia Simão.

^[40] A. P. Tsygankov, ‘The heartland no more: Russia's weakness and Eurasia's meltdown’, Journal of Eurasian Studies, 3(1), 2011, p. 5.

^[41] Russia and Turkey have different positions on Nagorno-Karabakh and Syria. Regarding the former, Moscow has been a strong ally and supporter of Armenia, whereas Turkey pursues closer relations with Azerbaijan and has its borders with Armenia closed since 1993. With regard to the latter, despite both Russia and Turkey arguing for a political solution to the problem, Russia is supporting the regime of Bashar al-Assad, whereas Turkey sided with the opposition in seeking regime change. For details on Turkey's foreign policy, see the paper by Mustafa Aydın in this special issue.

^[42] For further details on Turkey's foreign policy, see the paper by Mustafa Aydın in this special issue.

^[43] K. Abushov, ‘Policing the near abroad: Russian foreign policy in the South Caucasus’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 63(2), 2009, p. 204.

^[44] D. Averre, ‘“Sovereign democracy” and Russia's relations with the European Union’, Demokratizatsiya, 15(2), 2007, p. 183.

^[45] Alexandrova-Arbatova, op. cit., pp. 9–10.

^[46] M. R. Freire, ‘The EU and Russia: forging a strategic partnership?’, in Roger Kanet (ed.), A Resurgent Russia and the West: The European Union, NATO and Beyond, Republic of Letters, Dordrecht, 2009, pp. 86–87.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Maria Raquel Freire

Maria Raquel Freire is researcher at the Centre for Social Studies and assistant professor of International Relations at the School of Economics of the University of Coimbra. Her research interests focus on peace studies, foreign policy, international security, and Russia and the post-Soviet space.