Continuity and change in Italian foreign policy: the case of the international intervention in Libya

Abstract

This article is a contribution to the academic debate concerning continuity and change in Italian foreign policy during the so-called Second Republic. After identifying the variables affecting continuity and change in foreign policy, this article focuses on one recent Italian foreign policy case, namely the intervention in Libya. It argues that the choices taken by the centre-right coalition government headed by Berlusconi were based on enduring national interests, values and principles, and as such largely transcended partisan political preferences. As a consequence, such choices are not different from those that a centre-left coalition would have made had it been in government rather than in opposition. The only difference lies in the discourse that would probably have been used to present and justify them publicly.

Keywords:

• change
• continuity
• capabilities
• systemic constraints
• civil servants
• Libya

Notes

1. Almost all recent articles on Italian foreign policy take a position on this debate on continuity and change. The majority of them argue that the two coalitions pursue distinct and distinguishable foreign policies (e.g. Brighi 2007; Cacciari 2004; Ignazi 2004; Walston 2004, 2007). For the argument in favour of continuity, see Missiroli (2007), Miller (2009) and Croci (2008a). Almost all the contributions to the recent volume on Italian foreign policy in the post–Cold War period edited by Carbone (2011) take a position on, or at least mention, such a debate.

2. For an analysis of how the focus on differences might represent a limitation in the study of comparative politics and policies in general, see Caramani (2010).

3. For some observers – such as the English historian Paul Ginsborg (1994, 260), for instance – Italy was ‘the Bulgaria of NATO’.

4. All defence related figures come from NATO, Public Diplomacy Division, ‘Defence Expenditures of NATO Countries (1980–2003)’, available at http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/2003/p03-146e.htm and ‘Financial and Economic Data Relating to NATO Defence’, 19February 2009, http://www.nato.int/docu/pr/2009/p09-009.pdf.

5. For a comprehensive analysis of the Italian role in that intervention, see Croci and Valigi (2012), on which this section is largely based.

6. On the TFPC, see Ronzitti (2009).

7. On Italian–Libyan economic relations, see Bonvicini and Colombo (2010, 135–137 and 144–150; “Il CNT: ‘Onoreremo i contratti con l’Italia’,” Il Corriere.it, 23 August 2011; “Italia-Libia, ecco quali sono gli stretti legami economici e finanziari” http://economia.virgilio.it/soldi/italia-libia.html, 21 February 2011; and the official data provided by the Ministero per lo Sviluppo Economico at http://www.mincomes.it/statistiche/bollettini_2011/bollettino2_2011/bollettino2_11_indice.htm.

8. ‘EU denounces Libya’s brutal suppression of protests’, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/feb/21/eu-libya, and ‘Europe focuses on flow of migrants’, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/22/world/europe/22migrants.html?_r=0, 21 February 2011; Press release of the 3069th Council meeting, Foreign Affairs, Brussels, 21 February 2011, http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/foraff/119435.pdf.

9. ‘Intervista a Ignazio La Russa – “Immigrati, sarà esodo biblico ma la Ue non vuole aiutarci”’, la Repubblica, 25 February 2011.

10. Ministero degli Affari Esteri (MAE), ‘Focus Libia: Frattini, Tripoli ascolti la richiesta dell’Europa e fermi la violenza sui civili. Il Ministro oggi al Cairo’, 22 February 2011, http://www.esteri.it/MAE/IT/Sala_Stampa/ArchivioNotizie/ (henceforth, articles from this site will be indicated simply as FL, Mae.it, and the date on which the article was posted will be given).

11. Atti Parlamentari, Camera dei Deputati, XVI Legislatura, Discussioni, Seduta del 23 febbraio 2011, no. 438, p. 18, http://www.camera.it/_dati/leg16/lavori/stenografici/sed438/pdfs002.pdf; A. Farrugia, ‘I regimi non sono da buttare: Attenzione all’integralismo’, Quotidiano.net, 20 February 2011,http://qn.quotidiano.net/primo_piano/2011/02/20/462034-regimi_sono_buttare.shtml and ‘Rischio di derive fondamentaliste islamiche’, La Discussione, 23 February 2011.

12. Il Messaggero.it, 22 February 2011.

13. FL, Mae.it, 8 March 2011.

14. ‘Libia. Veltroni: Da governo terribile silenzio. Ora serve posizione italiana’, 19 February 2011, http://www.facebook.com/notes/walter-veltroni/libia-veltroni-da-governo-terribile-silenzio-ora-serve-posizione-italiana/10150407872790543; A. Farrugia, loc. cit.; “Frattini: ‘Un’ondata di 300 mila arrivi. Il dopo-Gheddafi è un’incognita’”, Corriere della Sera, 23 February 2011.

15. On the behaviour of the D’Alema government in the Kosovo crisis, see Croci (2006).

16. FL, Mae.it, 16 June 2011.

17. See, for instance, F. Frattini and H. Al-Thani, ‘Pressione militare, diplomazia, sanzioni. La nostra strategia per la Libia’, Corriere della Sera, in Mae.it, 5 May 2001; FL, Mae.it, 4 May 2011.

18. Ibid., 8, 12, 13, 19 April 2011.

19. Ibid., 31 May and 9 and 14 June 2011.

20. Ibid., 25 and 29 August and 1, 7, 12 and 15 September 2011.

21. ‘Frattini: Piano italo-tedesco per la Libia. Gheddafi in esilio e più diritti alle tribù’, la Repubblica.it, 27 March 2011.

22. FL, Mae.it, 9, 22 and 23 March 2001. Before NATO assumed the command of operations, there were three separate commands: a French one, a British one, and an American-Italian one.

23. Ibid., 24 March 2011.

24. Ibid., 21, 22 and 23 March 2011.

25. Ibid., 24 March 2011.

26. For a discussion of Italian security culture, see Croci, Foradori and Rosa (2011, 84–85).

27. FL, Mae.it, 7, 9 and 15 March 2011.

28. Atti Parlamentari, Camera dei Deputati, XVI Legislatura, 24 March 2011, http://www.camera.it/_dati/leg16/lavori/stenografici/sed452/pdfs001.pdf.

29. FL, Mae.it, 11 April 2011.

30. Ibid., 30 March 2011.

31. Ibid., 4 and 11 April 2011.

32. Ibid., 13 and 14 April 2011.

33. Ibid., 26 April 2011; Comunicazioni del Governo sui recenti sviluppi della situazione in Libia alle Commissioni Riunite, III (Affari esteri e comunitari) – IV (Difesa) della Camera dei Deputati e 3^a (affari esteri, emigrazione) – 4^a (Difesa) del Senato della Repubblica, 27 April 2011, http://www.camera.it/470?stenog=/_dati/leg16/lavori/stencomm/0304c0304/audiz2/2011/0427&pagina=s010.

34. ‘L’uscita di Napolitano: “Non siamo in guerra”. La lega chiede dibattito’, Il Giornale.it, 20 March 2011; FL, Mae.it, 22 March 2011; ‘Libia: Il Colle sostiene i bombardamenti’, Corriere.it, 26 April 2011; ‘Frattini: Decisione presa dopo il vertice col capo degli insorti’, La Stampa, and ‘Frattini: Il Parlamento sempre informato deciderà sui bombardamenti’, Libero, both in Mae.it, 26 April and 1 May 2011, respectively; FL, Mae.it, 31 March 2011.

35. For the text of the two resolutions, see http://www.camera.it/dati/leg16/lavori/stenografici/sed452/pdfa001.pdf; ‘Libia, via libera alla missione: La maggioranza salva per 7 voti’, Corriere.it, 24 March 2011.

36. For the text of the directive, see http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:2001:212:0012:0023:EN:PDF.

37. ‘Permesso agli immigrati? É presto. Maroni: che senso ha stare nella Ue?’ and ‘Napolitano: Politica estera, il lato insoddisfacente dell’Unione europea’, both in Corriere.it, 11 April and 11 May 2011.

38. ‘Libia: Il Colle sostiene i bombardamenti’, Corriere.it, 26 April 2011.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Osvaldo Croci

Osvaldo Croci is a professor in the Department of Political Science at Memorial University in St. John’s (Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada), where he teaches courses in international politics and foreign policy. His research focuses primarily on Italian and Canadian foreign policy, as well as on the political aspects of sport.

Marco Valigi

Marco Valigi is a lecturer in strategic studies at the University of Roma Tre. He has also been project coordinator and editor of the newsletter, Views on the EU of the GR:EEN FP7 Project at ISPI (Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale), Milan. His research interests are focused on the stability of the international system, middle powers and relations between diplomacy and strategy.