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ABSTRACT
The court of Emperor Tang Gaozong 唐高宗 (r. 649–683) marked a critical period for the spread of ‘Esoteric Buddhism’ (Mijiao 密教) in China. Furthermore, Ximing Monastery 西明寺, built during the Xianqing 顯慶 reign (656–661), served as an impressive and magnificent site, allowing eminent monks and erudite translators to gather and often take residence there. It was also the site where the translation of many Esoteric Buddhist scriptures occurred. This study discusses several key Tang dynasty monk-translators who took part in translating ‘Esoteric Buddhist’ scriptures at this site and the historical and religious significance of these translation projects. Finally, this study will demonstrate the pivotal role Ximing Monastery played in the historical development of Esoteric Buddhism in China.
Acknowledgment
This article represents a phase of achievement of the 2018 project 'Translation and Research of Important Literary and Artistic Texts of Indian Classical Sanskrit' (印度古典梵語文藝學重要文獻翻譯與研究), supported by the Major Program of the National Social Science Foundation of China 國家社科基金重大項目, project No: 18ZDA286.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1. Translator’s note: In the past, the term Mijiao 密教, which frequently appears throughout this article, has been translated as ‘Tantra,’ ‘Tantric,’ ‘Trantricism,’ ‘Tantric Buddhism,’ ‘Buddhist Trantricism,’ ‘Esotericism,’ or ‘Esoteric teaching(s).’ However, these terms are all nomenclatures, which remain considerably disagreed upon in meaning. For the sake of clarity, this article uses the translation ‘Esoteric Buddhism’ in preference to the above terminology.
2. The fundamental question of whether or not a unique tradition of ‘Esoteric Buddhism’ ever existed in China remains a highly disputed question amongst scholars. Concerning those scholars who dispute the existence of an Esoteric Buddhist tradition in China, see Sharf, ‘On Esoteric Buddhism in China’; McBride, ‘Is There Really “Esoteric” Buddhism?’ For the opposite opinion, see Orzech, ‘The Trouble with Tantra in China’; Goble, Chinese Esoteric Buddhism; Sørensen, ‘On Esoteric Buddhism in China.’ Concerning some newer studies on Chinese Esoteric Buddhism in English, see also Bentor & Shahar, Chinese and Tibetan Esoteric Buddhism, Ch. 1 and Ch. 3.
3. Yoritomi, Daijō butten, 307–309.
4. Kāśmīra (Kashmir, Ch. Jibin 罽賓); an ancient state in north India. In and after the Tang period it referred to Gandhāra or the present Kabul.
5. Guanzizai pusa suixin jing, T 20: 463a14-23.
6. Currently, this text has two extant editions, namely T no. 1057a, 20, and no. 1057b, each with 2 juans.
7. Xia, Mijiao Chuanchi yu Tangdai shehui, 25. Regarding the relationship between Zhitong and the ‘Thousand-Hand Avalokitêśvara [Bodhisattva] Method’ (Ch. Qianshou guanyin fa 千手觀音法) in the early Tang Dynasty, see also Lü, Zhongguo Mijiao shi, 164–169.
8. ‘Tuoluoni jijing xu’ 陀羅尼集經 • 序 [Dhāraṇī Collection: Preface] writes ernian 二年, instead of which the Song Gaoseng zhuan has sannian 三年.
9. The Tuoluoni jijing xu writes Cimen si 慈門寺, while the Song Gaoseng zhuan has Ci’en si 慈恩寺.
10. Tuoluoni jijing xu, T 18: 785a23. See also ‘Tang Xijing Huiri si Wujigao zhuan’ 唐西京慧日寺無極高傳 [Biography of Tang Dynasty Monk ‘Wujigao’ (Atikūṭa) of Huiri Monastery] in Song gaoseng zhuan, T no 2061, 50: 2.718b18-c2.
11. Da Tang Xiyu qiufa gaosengzhuan, T no. 2066, 51: 2.7a11-12.
12. Manshushili pusa zhouzang zhong yi zi zhou wang jing, T 20: 781b11-18.
13. Fajie shengfan shuilu dazhai falun bao chan, X no. 1499, 74: 1.924b13-20: With one mind, invoke the Dafang guang pusa zang wenshushili genben yigui jing 大方廣菩薩藏文殊師利根本儀軌經 [Vaipulya Bodhisattva-piṭaka Mañjuṣri Bodhisattva Fundamental Ritual Sūtra] and Da fangguang pusa zangjing zhong Wenshushili genben yizi tuoluoni fa 大方廣菩薩藏經中文殊師利根本一字陀羅尼法 [The Method of Mañjuśrīʼs Fundamental One-Syllable Dhāraṇī of the Vaipulya Bodhisattva-piṭaka], Manshushili pusa zhouzang zhong yizi zhouwang jing 曼殊室利菩薩咒藏中一字咒王經 [Sūtra of the One-Syllable Incantation Ruler of the *Dhāraṇī-piṭaka of Mañjuṣri Bodhisattva] first [translated by] the Song dynasty India (Kashmiri) Śrmaṇa Tianxizai 天息災 (fl. 980–1000), the text was incomplete; second [translated by] the North Indian Kaśmira (Jiashimiluo 迦濕蜜羅) monk Baosiwei 寶思惟 (*Maṇicinta), namely, the mantra to protect the body; third translated by Tang dynasty Great Jianfu Monastery 大薦福寺 Śrmaṇa Yijing 義凈; fourth by Baosiwei. [The method includes] paintings and ‘[external] fire-ceremony’ ‘[外]護摩 [Skt. hotavya] among other methods. 一心奉請《大方廣菩薩藏文殊師利根本儀軌經》及《大方廣菩薩藏經中文殊師利根本一字陀羅尼法》,《曼殊室利菩薩咒藏中一字咒王經》,《佛說大陀羅尼佛法中一字心咒經》 (拜觀同上). 宋中印度沙門天息災譯, 經文未盡; 第二唐迦濕蜜羅國沙門寶思惟譯, 即護身真言也; 第三唐大薦福寺沙門釋義凈譯; 第四寶思惟譯. 有畫像護摩等法.
14. Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing, T no. 967, 19: 349b14-15; 18–19.
15. Concerning this sūtra, see Higata, ‘Bucchō sonshō darani’; Liu Wei, ‘Futuoboli ruye Wutai shan’; Liu Shufen, ‘Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing yu tangdai’; Liu Shufen, ‘Jingchuang de xingzhi’; He, ‘Wutaishan Gaoseng Fotuoboli,’ 7–10; Sasaki, ‘Bucchō sonshō darani no kenkyū’; Kuo, ‘Bucchō sonshō darani no denpa to gishiki’; Sasaki, ‘Bucchō sonshō darani kyō dō no kenkyū’; Sasaki, ‘Sonshō darani bunrui kō’; Sasaki, ‘Sonshō darani seiritsu kō’; Lin, ‘Tangdai Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing’; Sasaki, ‘Bucchō sonshō darani gaikan’; Shimono, ’Tōdai zenki no bucchō sonshō darani’; Sasaki, ‘Tonkō hon bucchō sonshō darani’; Xia, ‘Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing xinyang’; Shinohara, ‘The Ritual of the Buddhoṣṇīṣa Vijaya Dhāraṇī Maṇḍala.’ Liu Shufen’s research was later compiled in the monograph, Liu, Miezui yu duwang.
For a different opinion, see Chen, ‘Śarīra and Scepter: 105–110 and Forte, ‘The So-called Buddhapālita Chinese Version of the Buddhoṣṇiṣa vijaya dhāraṇīsūtra and its preface,’ which challenge Buddhapālita’s alleged ties with the Chinese translation of Buddhoṣṇiṣa vijaya dhāraṇīsūtra.
16. Currently, there are seven ‘leaves’ (ye 葉 [頁]) in the Miho Museum in Shiga Prefecture, Japan. At present, Melzer has made a study and transcriptions of the manuscripts see Melzer, ‘The Gilgit manuscript of the Sarvagatipariśodhana-uṣṇīṣavijayā Kept in the Miho Museum.’ In addition, an earlier collated version can also be seen in F Müller & Nanjio (eds.), The Ancient Palm-Leaves.
17. Unebe, ‘Bonbun bucchō sonshō darani kyō.’ In addition, for other Japanese scholars who have produced studies on this Sanskrit text, see Ikeda, ‘Bonhon Aparimitāyuru darani kyō no kyōgō’; Unebe, ‘Tai ni tsutawaru Uṇhissa-vijaya.’
18. The ‘epilogue/colophon’ ba 跋 of Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (T no 967, 19: 385c20-23) records: There are nine editions of this dhāraṇī in total. [They include], the so-called translations of Du Xingyi, Tripiṭaka [Master] Yuezhao, Tripiṭaka [Master] Yijing, Tripiṭaka [Master] Buddhapālita, Tripiṭaka [Master] Śubhakarasiṃha (Shanwuwei), Tripiṭaka [Master] Vajrabodhi (Jin’gangzhi), Tripiṭaka [Master] Amoghavajra (Bukong) among others, and the commentaries by Fachong, and the Sanskrit texts transmitted by the Master Kōbō (Kūkai 空海 [774–835]) 此陀羅尼凡有九本. 所謂杜行鎧, 月照三藏, 義淨三藏, 佛陀波利, 善無畏三藏, 金剛智三藏, 不空三藏等所譯本, 及法崇注釋, 弘法大師所傳梵本等也.
19. See mainly (mentioned above) He, ‘Wutaishan Gaoseng Fotuoboli’; Wei, ‘Fotuoboli yi Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing xiangguan wenti kaolue.’
20. Jiu Tang shu 5.111–112.
21. Jiu Tang shu 6.115: After the reign of Xianqing era (656–661), the Emperor began to suffer from extreme arthritic pain. His Majesty therefore entrusted the Heavenly Empress to review all the memorials submitted by various clerks and officials. [These circumstances] lasted for several decades, in which the power of [Empress Wu] was no different from that of the Emperor. At that time, the two were thus referred to as the ‘Two Saints’ (ersheng 二聖). 帝自顯慶已後, 多苦風疾, 百司表奏, 皆委天后詳決. 自此內輔國政數十年, 威勢與帝無異, 當時稱為 ‘二聖.’
22. Gu Qingliang zhuan, T no. 2098, 51: 2.1098b26–28, c10–12.
23. For a brief history on the cult of Mount Wutai, especially concerning its development in the Tang dynasty, see Liu, Miezui yu duwang, 25–37.
24. For the research on the ‘three great masters of the Kaiyuan reign’ (Kaiyuan sandashi 開元三大士), one of the most important studies is Chou, ‘Tantrism in China.’ For the Chinese version, see Zhou (trans. Qian), Tangdai Mijiao. In addition, the biographies of the three figures are linked together in the Song Gaoseng zhuan, T no 2061, 50: 1.712–714; T no 2061, 50: 2.714–716.
25. Song Gaoseng zhuan, T no 2061, 50: 5. 735a10-12: As for the two monasteries of Ximing Monastery 西明[寺] and Chongfu Monastery 崇福[寺], the lecture halls were all made of ‘fragrant earth’ (xiangni 香泥) … [built] as the epitome of majestic solemnity, unequaled in all the capital. 至於西明, 崇福二寺, 講堂悉用香泥, 築自水際, 至於土面. 莊嚴之盛, 京中甲焉.
26. There are some slight differences in opinion as to when Śubhakarasiṃha (Shanwuwei 善無畏) arrived in Chang’an. See Chou, Tangdai Mijiao, 28.
27. Kaiyuan shijiao lu, T no. 2154, 55: 9.572a10-12, records: In the fourth year of the Kaiyuan 開元 reign, which is a bingchen year, Śubhakarasiṃha arrived in Chang’an, carrying a great deal of Sanskrit texts. He first stayed in the South Cloister 南院 of Xingfu Monastery 興福寺, and later was ordered by imperial edict to take residence at Ximing Monastery 以開元四年丙辰, 大齎梵本, 來達長安. 初於興福寺南院安置, 次後有勅令, 住西明.
28. Song gaoseng zhuan, T no. 2061, 50: 2.715b7-9: [Shanwuwei] succeeded [Dao]xuan living in Ximing Monastery, [where] he was rewarded an extraordinary amount of [imperial] gifts. He remained there until the fifth year of the [Kaiyuan] reign (which was a dingsi year), when he then took post at the Bodhi Cloister (Putiyuan 菩提院) to translate sutras [善無畏]續[道]宣住西明寺, 問勞重疊, 錫貺異常. 至[开元]五年丁巳, 奉詔於菩提院翻譯.
The Bodhi Cloister was known to have a comprehensive collection of the Buddhist canon. For details, refer to the author’s study, Zhan, ‘Tangdai Chang’an ximing si yu ximing zang.’ Regarding textual research on the history of the Bodhi Cloister, see the previously mentioned Chou, Tangdai mijiao, 29.
29. Song Gaoseng zhuan, T no 2061, 50: 2.715c26-29.
30. Namely ‘Section/portion 10 of Chapter 7ʹ of the Da bore jing 大般若經 [Skt. Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra], ‘Bore liqu fen’ 般若理趣分 [Skt. Adhyardhaśatikā prajñā-pāramitā; Maxims of Wisdom Portion]. In T no 220, 7: 986a28-991b8. However, of all the Chinese translations of the Adhyardhaśatikā prajñā-pāramitā, this version represents the earliest. Thus its ‘esoteric’ elements are not particularly obvious.
31. In the past, there was no known complete Sanskrit version of the Liqu jing 理趣經 [Skt. Adhyardhaśatikā prajñā-pāramitā]. However, recently in Tibet, a manuscript written during the Pala Empire was discovered to be a composite version of several prajñā documents. This edition has already been compiled and studied by Tomabechi, Adhyardhaśatikā Prajñāpāramitā. For a detailed description of this manuscript see pp. xxiv–xxxii. For a description of this Sanskrit sūtra’s structure and content, see pp. liv–lx. For the critical edition, see pp. 3–28.
32. Zhenyuan xinding Shijiao mulu, T no 2157, 55: 17.892a21-b21.
33. According to the records in Song Gaoseng zhuan (T no. 2061, 50: 737c22-738a21), Liangxiu was a monk at Ximing Monastery, and he was appointed to work with the Kāśmīra Tripiṭaka master, śrmaṇa Prajñā 般若 to complete a translation of the Liqu jing 理趣經. Liangxiu and Prajñā completed this translation project in the fifth year of the Zhenyuan 貞元 reign (789). However, the Emperor then ordered Liangxiu to write a commentary/exegesis on the text and head the signatures on the text to be presented to the court. All of these events showcase that throughout the translation and Sinitic exegesis of this esoteric scripture, this Ximing Monastery monk made an extraordinary contribution.
34. Jiu Tang shu 13.365–365.