Views of women and men in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, on three forms of female genital modification

Abstract

This paper is about how female circumcision/female genital mutilation (FC/FGM) was viewed by women and men aged 18–89 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, now that it has been against the law for almost 15 years. The findings come from 11 months of field research, participant observation and interviews in 2008. The practice of FC/FGM was an important issue in Bobo-Dioulasso, even though prevalence seems to be falling. The most important argument for continuing it was not a traditional role, but the need to control female sexuality – regarded as very active – not to negate it, but to ensure morally acceptable behaviour. When I talked about female genital cosmetic surgery it emerged that Bobolaise women used various substances to enhance sexual pleasure for men, both to keep the relationship and to protect the gifts and money many women needed to survive and for their children. FC/FGM was seen as a socio-cultural obligation, necessary to achieve a respectable status. Other forms of genital modification were seen as a means of satisfying male sexual needs, though vaginal tightening to hide sexual experience was also a way of demonstrating respectability. What emerged overall is that Bobolaises had their own perspectives about all the forms of female genital modification that were discussed.

Résumé

Cet article décrit l'idée que les femmes et les hommes âgés de 18–89 ans se font de l'excision/la mutilation sexuelle féminine à Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, alors qu'elle est désormais illégale depuis près de 15 ans. Ces conclusions proviennent d'une recherche de terrain de 11 mois, d'observation participante et d'entretiens en 2008. La mutilation sexuelle féminine était un problème important à Bobo-Dioulasso, même si sa prévalence semble diminuer. L'argument le plus important pour la poursuivre n'était pas son rôle traditionnel, mais la nécessité de contrôler la sexualité féminine, considérée très active, non pas de la nier, mais de garantir un comportement moralement acceptable. Quand j'ai parlé de chirurgie plastique des organes génitaux féminins, il est apparu que les Bobolaises utilisaient différentes substances pour augmenter le plaisir masculin, à la fois dans le but de garder leur partenaire et conserver les cadeaux et l'argent dont beaucoup de femmes ont besoin pour survivre et pour leurs enfants. La mutilation sexuelle féminine était considérée comme une obligation socioculturelle, nécessaire pour jouir d'un statut respectable. D'autres formes de modification génitale étaient jugées comme un moyen de satisfaire les besoins sexuels masculins, même si le rétrécissement vaginal pour cacher l'expérience sexuelle était aussi une manière pour la femme de démontrer sa respectabilité. Il est apparu dans l'ensemble que les Bobolaises avaient leurs propres opinions sur toutes les formes de modification génitale féminine évoquées.

Resumen

En este artículo se examina la manera en que la circuncisión femenina/mutilación genital femenina (CF/MGF) era vista por mujeres y hombres de 18 a 89 años de edad, en Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, ahora que ha sido ilegal por casi 15 años. Los hallazgos provienen de 11 meses de investigación en el campo, observación participante y entrevistas realizadas en 2008. La práctica de CF/MGF era un asunto importante en Bobo-Dioulasso, aunque la prevalencia parece haber disminuido. El argumento más importante para continuarla no era su función tradicional, sino la necesidad de controlar la sexualidad femenina – considerada como muy activa – no negarla, pero sí asegurar comportamiento moralmente aceptable. Cuando hablé sobre cirugía cosmética de los genitales femeninos, resultó que las mujeres de Bobolaise utilizaban diversas sustancias para realizar el placer sexual de los hombres, tanto para mantener la relación como para proteger los regalos y el dinero que muchas mujeres necesitaban para sobrevivir y para sus hijos. La CF/MGF era vista como una obligación sociocultural, necesaria para lograr una condición social respetable. Otras formas de modificación genital eran consideradas un medio de satisfacer las necesidades sexuales del hombre, aunque apretar la vagina para ocultar la experiencia sexual también era una manera de demostrar respetabilidad. En general, se determinó que las personas de Bobolaise tenían sus propias perspectivas sobre todas las formas de modificación genital femenina discutidas.

Key Words:

• female circumcision/female genital mutilation
• female genital cosmetic surgery
• sexuality
• sexual behaviour and practices
• ethnographic research
• Burkina Faso

Vaginal tightening and labia modification are forms of female genital cosmetic surgery that are increasingly in demand, especially in Western countries.¹ Among those who argue against this form of surgery, the traditional practice of female circumcision/female genital mutilation (FC/FGM), which has been widely condemned internationally, is said to be comparable. Both are carried out on the same female body parts and even resemble each other in certain ways, for example, the technique of shortening an “elongated” clitoris. But these arguments are mainly put forward by Western authors.

This paper is about how the traditional practice of female circumcision/female genital mutilation is currently viewed by women and men in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, now that it has been against the law for almost 15 years. In it, I present partial findings from ethnographic research in 2008, which highlights the views of women and men in a local context where FC/FGM and also male circumcision are traditional practices and their interpretations of current female genital cosmetic surgery as a contemporary practice.

Terms used

FC/FGM is the complete or partial excision of the external female genitals for socio-cultural reasons. The term mutilation is condemnatory and used in order to avoid the impression that female circumcision can be regarded as equivalent to male circumcision in its health-related and social consequences. The term female circumcision is used to stress its socio-cultural meaning. Another commonly used term is female genital cutting, as an attempt to be solely descriptive. In this paper I use excision (as a technical term), and female circumcision and female genital mutilation (FC/FGM) in order to include local meanings and the judgemental connotations of mutilation. I do this to illustrate the existing differences in understanding and the large gap in perceptions of the practice. I use the neutral term genital modification for both FC/FGM and female genital cosmetic surgery throughout. Female genital cosmetic surgery as performed in the Western context is not practised in Burkina Faso.

There are over 60 ethnic groups and languages in Burkina Faso. In Bobo-Dioulasso, in the area where I did my research, Dioula is the most common lingua franca spoken. There, the following terms were being used: kéné kéné (clean–clean); bolo koli, which refers to washing/cleaning the hands (the boloko denw are the children who are going to be excised or circumcised in a ritual); and nege koro sigi which is roughly translated as sitting down on the iron, which could be interpreted as a “blade”, and also refers to the erstwhile role of blacksmiths as practitioners of excision.²

The Dioula terms apply both to male and female circumcision and according to some elder informants, were in the past both practised on the same day during a ritual celebration. Very commonly people in Bobo-Dioulasso who speak French understand and use l'excision also to refer to male circumcision. It became obvious that despite any differences that have been identified, male and female circumcision have been and still are understood as equivalent to each other.

The national campaign against excision

Female circumcision/genital mutilation (FC/FGM) has been a criminal offence in Burkina Faso since 1996. Since then, the Secrétariat Permanent de Comité National de Lutte contre la Pratique de l'Excision (SP-CNLPE)³ at last had a formal base for the campaign against this practice, which is performed in almost all of the country's provinces. Practitioners and relatives, who participate in the excision of girls, can be subjected to comparatively high penalties and/or imprisonment.⁴ Currently a part of the Ministry of Social Welfare (Ministère de l'Action Sociale et de la Solidarité Nationale),⁵ the SP-CNLPE is responsible for campaigns against the practice nationwide. A 2007 Ministry report showed that in 2006, 49.5% of women in BurkinaFaso had been excised,⁶ compared to an estimated 66.4% in 1996.⁷ Thus, the numbers are apparently falling, even though the data from the two surveys included different groups of women.⁶

Each of the terms for FC/FGM defined above is also employed in the sensitisation campaigns in the country. The main focus of these campaigns is to give information about the possible serious consequences of it in a medical sense and to sensitise the population to the social problems emerging from the medical consequences.

May 18 was declared the National Day for the fight against excision in 1996 and official ceremonies are held throughout the country each year. SP-CNLPE's campaigns are addressed to different target audiences: in schools, youth clubs, community associations and leaders, religious leaders and practitioners of FC/FGM, as well as health personnel. Different media are employed to spread the message, for example, traditional communicators, local radio, facilitated group discussions, theatre and television. In 2008, a caravan “Stop l'Excision” was touring the country, performing street theatre on excision. A free telephone line permits people to call the authorities anonymously when an excision is planned or has already happened.⁶ My informants, however, would not find it acceptable to call the authorities and would rather try to talk a friendly family out of doing it.

Genital modification in Burkina Faso

FC/FGM is a custom of different ethnic groups in Burkina Faso. The partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without the excision of the labia majora (WHO classification Type II) is the most common form in Burkina Faso.⁸⁹ The practice differs between regions, ethnic groups and the practical knowledge of the person who carries out the excisions. Although medicalisation of FC/FGM was rejected as an alternative to traditional practitioners by international health organisations, as it was regarded as reinforcing and legitimising the practice, according to the UN Population Fund, 2% of excisions in Burkina Faso are conducted by medical personnel.¹⁰

Surgical repair for the negative consequences of FC/FGM is practised in clinics in the capital Ouagadougou and more and more medical doctors are being trained in this surgery.¹¹ This includes widening the vaginal opening if it has become too small due to adhesions or the removal of perturbing scar tissue and keloids. Surgical reconstruction of the clitoris also exists as a form of reconstructive surgery, developed by the French surgeon Pierre Foldes.¹²¹³ Whilst the repair of negative effects of FC/FGM is supported by the SP-CNLPE and is subsidised by the government almost free of cost to the woman, the reconstruction of the clitoris is not regarded as unambiguously positive and the cost is not subsidised. The SP-CNLPE accepts its existence, but they argue that the primary task should be to stop FC/FGM and not to encourage the belief that it can be “undone”, which became apparent in talking with SP-CNLPE members as well as from articles in the press.¹⁴ There are worries that people would continue to do excisions if it is possible to repair it later on. Nevertheless some doctors in Ouagadougou are familiar with the procedure and clitoral reconstruction is also performed in some of the capital's health clinics.

It seems that well informed members of activist groups know about clitoral reconstruction but otherwise it does not appear to be known widely. Women's groups in Bobo-Dioulasso are an exception, as they were visited by the NGO Clitoraid,¹⁵¹⁶ which is funded by the Euro-American religious movement called the Raelians. Clitoraid's primary goal in promoting clitoral reconstruction is to re-establish a woman's ability to feel sexual pleasure. They bought a piece of land to build what they called a hôpital du plaisir (hospital of pleasure)^17–19 and started to advertise the possibility of free clitoral reconstructive surgery to local women's groups, with the support of local government women's representatives. I did not participate in any of their presentations but did meet with local leaders of the Raelians as well as government representatives and women who had participated. The Raelians also proselytise in Bobo-Dioulasso but their religious philosophy was regarded by my informants as contrary to local moral concepts and sexual taboos.

The construction of the hôpital du plaisir, which had already started when I arrived, was on hold when I left Bobo-Dioulasso in late February 2009. However, articles and pictures from mid-2009 celebrate the beginning of construction work.^15,17–19*

Male circumcision is practised in Burkina Faso and according to the World Health Organization the national prevalence is 90%.²¹

Methodology

My research focused on the current social and cultural meanings of FC/FGM in an urban context of a country where FC/FGM is illegal. What meanings did people give it? What kinds of “stories” were being told about it?

The Cooperation Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique/Burkina Faso approved the research.

I conducted ethnographic field research from April 2008 to March 2009 using methods currently employed in social/cultural anthropology, such as participant observation of daily life, in order to understand local culture and concepts of morality and appropriate behaviour. Informal interviews on the subject of my research were on my daily agenda and I kept a field diary the whole time. I also interviewed people who dealt with FC/FGM professionally, among them two midwives, four social workers involved in the educational campaigns, three government officials who served as women's representatives, and leaders and members of women's associations.

Additionally I conducted 44 semi-structured interviews with 24 women and 20 men aged 18 to 89 years, each lasting from 90 minutes to three hours. Both men and women were interviewed because both affect and are affected by and give meaning to FC/FGM. Nearly all of the interviews took place in the homes of the interviewee or in a friend's house. The questionnaire was based on the participant observation, the findings from the expert interviews and a literature search on FC/FGM in general and in Burkina Faso in particular. After pre-testing, the final interview guide emerged.

The interview guide had three sections; each started with an open question, to let the person say what came to mind about the subject first. My interest lay mainly in the discursive arguments related to the topics. The first section covered current concepts of femininity, masculinity and gender images. The second section focused on the body in general: body norms and body images, experiences of menstruation, birth, sexuality, beauty ideals and body modifications in general. The third section focused on excision as well as male circumcision, because both practices are understood as equal by many people locally. Only in the last section did I also talk about female genital modification, including surgical repair and reconstruction as well as cosmetic surgery on the genitals as in the Euro-American context.

I lived in and engaged in participant observation in a neighbourhood of Bobo-Dioulasso that has developed in the last 20 years and is still on the outskirts of the city.^* The locale was chosen randomly as it did not seem crucial for the research. Only later, during one of the expert interviews with a social worker, did I learn that the very district where I was staying was one of the places where people allegedly went in order to have their daughters excised. A couple of practitioners had been arrested there shortly before my arrival.

Respondents were all from that neighbourhood, which is predominantly inhabited by families with either low or no income. I found them with local support and then through a snowball system. They included men and women of different ages and status (e.g. married or not). All of them had attended school for at least a couple of years or longer. Some of the very senior women had only attended a Qu'ran school, not a state school. Their ethnic backgrounds were heterogeneous, reflecting the heterogeneity of people and the concurrence of discourses in the city.

A digital recorder was used to record the interviews, most of which were in French; the rest were in Dioula. Those in Dioula were conducted with the support of people who were regarded as friends or trustworthy by the interviewees, who acted as interpreters^†, in each case male or female, young or old, as appropriate.^** Sometimes, even when the interviews were in French, people would say that they would prefer to have one of my local assistants join in.^†† From the very beginning of the fieldwork I told everyone I engaged with the purpose of my stay. All but two respondents agreed to my recording their interview and later transcribing it, and its use in my thesis. The identity of all interviewees is kept anonymous.

The interviews were transcribed and/or translated from Dioula to French by local research assistants who were also working for the Ur_Shadei/Centre Muraz.

All the interviews were analysed and coded after the fieldwork. The quotes used in this paper are chosen for their suitability to illustrate the most common views regarding the topics of this paper and only for this reason. It happens that most of the quotes used are from people under the age of 40, but they do also represent the views of respondents older than that, with minimal qualitative differences due to age and experience.

Findings

Some of the most frequently discussed topics in both the informal and formal interviews were also found in anti-FC/FGM campaigning materials and were the subject of discussions among groups of friends and acquaintances when they were sitting and talking together. First was the possibility of marital conflict due to the painfulness of intercourse for the woman and her possibly being unwilling to have sexual relations as a result. This was discussed on a hypothetical level as nobody would publicly admit that they personally had such problems in their marriage. The second “story” was about how childbirth was more difficult. People referred to this as something they themselves or their female partners had luckily never encountered.^* Third was concern about transmission of HIV and tetanus through the use of “the same knife for several girls”. The fourth was that the girls could “bleed to death”. Three respondents had experienced this in their own families. The fifth was the leaking of urine after poor wound healing after the excision. One woman spoke openly about her own disability from this. Another important point stressed was that young girls needed to be educated very strictly as a replacement for FC/FGM.

Safety vs. risks of FC/FGM

“The advantages are, that it allows young girls to have a husband and have children, if they are excised. But the inconveniences are as many as the advantages. The inconveniences are that if you excise a young girl, she can die or she can be sterile. She can get a disease in her genital area… They can even cut the clitoris itself. This is not good. Excision is not a good thing.” (Woman no.3, age 18)

“If you wait to excise your daughter until she is grown up, she has this pain right “there”. She can never forget the pain “there”. [silence] During the excision… she can catch sexual diseases and HIV as well, due to the equipment which they use for the excision. Because they use the instruments to excise, for example, ten girls.” (Woman no.11, age 37)

“And then there are some old women, who in order to excise, they take everything, they cut everything. The moment you get married, the man is not going to feel pleasure during sexual intercourse. Even to go urinate… before you get to “the place”, the urine has already come out. Often when you sit down, the back of your dress is wet. Often when you get pregnant and give birth… you will have problems during the delivery.” (Woman no.14, age 40)

The fact that the excision is a painful experience for the girl was seen as negative. The pain was described as unforgettable, especially if the procedure was done when the girl was old enough to remember it. The negative consequences were often attributed to malpractice on the part of traditional practitioners.

The respondents usually took a standpoint against FC/FGM, using arguments they had got either from the campaigns or their peers. This, in my opinion, shows that these campaigns work insofar as people have a certain awareness of the negative consequences. On the other hand, for many participants, the cultural and social need for the practice had not changed, and they wanted it to be provided more safely in order to avoid the negative health consequences. A number of people questioned why it was not possible to excise girls legally in hospital, given that it is done there for male children for health reasons. Here is an example of how someone (as quoted earlier) can agree with the arguments against FC/FGM and at the same time look for ways to maintain it:

“With the boys, there are no bad consequences. But the girls have consequences due to the excision. They have to establish a law for all kids, that boys and girls are equal. That they all get excised in hospital. Then you can avoid that some old women excise girls with rusty knives, which brings diseases.” (Woman no.3, age 18)

“If they can do it in hospital for boys, they also can do it there for girls. Because they already make surgery on women who were excised badly. So to avoid all this, if they could do it there for girls too… without the risk.” (Woman no.6, age 29)

What these quotes show is an insecurity towards the traditional and more so the current illegally practitioners of excision, who are thought not to know how to undertake the procedure properly and so cause complications. The fact that there are surgical repair procedures for women who have experienced complications has led some to believe that these problems would be resolved by medicalisation; problems during labour and delivery could also be avoided and female self-control assured.

Importance of controlling female sexuality

The need to control female sexuality was the main reason given for why excision is considered necessary, despite everything people know about the possible negative consequences. There was a common fear that women who were not circumcised would not be satisfied with only one man; they would not be able to control their sexual needs, would be unfaithful to their partners and would probably get sexually transmitted infections.

“I ask myself if their husbands alone can satisfy them. If they had been excised it would help them better to control themselves… They [unexcised women] never stay at home. I am not sure that these girls can stay faithful to their husbands.” (Man no.5, age 27)

Women having more than one partner was a common explanation in this community for the problem of HIV. This may be interpreted as an expression of gender power relations, in that only women are blamed, not men, for whom having more than one partner is seen as normal. But it led respondents to express concern that the ban on FC/FGM would increase the spread of HIV. Thus, both women and men interviewed were convinced that excision was good because it diminished and restrained the sexuality of women.

Furthermore, a staffperson with the SP-CNLPE campaign said in an expert interview that “even if one does excise women – they are unfaithful anyway” and a similar argument is found on the SP-CNLPE website.²² This seems to be saying that since the excision of women does not help anyway, it could easily be stopped.

Several young men tried to explain that even if they were against FC/FGM, in their view it was also actually a good thing. Women would be able to stay calm, and they would wish to find such a woman for marriage. Young men believe that a woman always remembers her first sexual partner, and if they were only another man in her life they would never be able to satisfy her sexually. This implies that people may stop the practice for various reasons, but opinions about women and representations of women's sexuality would remain. FC/FGM would still be considered necessary in principle in order to ensure socio-cultural and moral ideals to bring about the desired female behaviour.

Genital reconstruction and repair

Many of the respondents did not know about the possibility of reconstructing the clitoris, but they were familiar with the fact that there were interventions for repairing other negative consequences of FC/FGM, which they saw as helpful for women with severe problems. But there were diverse reactions and arguments about clitoral reconstruction, most of them along the following lines:

“I think that for a girl who is already excised, it doesn't help to put back the clitoris… If she is infertile [surgery] could play a role. Apart from that, a woman who is already excised should be left as she is. For the ones who are not, it should not be done. That is all. One shouldn't look for further complications. It doesn't help.” (Man, no.12, age 35)

Reconstruction of the clitoris was viewed as risky and as yet another harmful practice. The reason for doing it, namely the re-establishment of the woman's ability to feel pleasure was not considered as a reason to “risk” it. People evidently understood that the clitoris was sensitive to sexual stimulation as they referred to it as the part of a woman that makes them unable to control themselves. Two different viewpoints were expressed:

“If my daughter had been excised and the doctors came and proposed to repair it, I wouldn't consent. I prefer my daughter to be excised…” (Man no.5, age 27)

“If [clitoral reconstruction] is possible, it is good. But even if it is a good thing, they should really make an effort to ensure that the woman stays ‘wise’.” (Woman no.6, age 29)

Thus, the bottom line was that control over women's sexuality had to be maintained.

Local substances for sexual enhancement and female genital cosmetic surgery

Only one male interviewee reacted spontaneously that he thought FC/FGM and genital cosmetic surgery were in fact the same thing, when I described female genital cosmetic surgery. All the others had very different reactions to it and did not make any connection with FC/FGM.

“This is to nourish the life of men. Hence, it is not bad. They do it to satisfy the guys. It's the men who want it. All a woman can do to attract a man she has the right to do. This is normal. It is to give pleasure to people. And the operation doesn't destroy the woman. The one who chooses to do it is not a child anymore and so there is no problem.” (Man no.8, age 31)

The men believed women should be able to do whatever is necessary to stay attractive for their male partner. It served male sexual pleasure to modify women's genitals through genital cosmetic surgery. Women should be seen to have a certain agency not only as regards their own sexual pleasure and satisfaction but also for the sake of their sexual partner.

Genital cosmetic surgery was perceived by many women as very positive because it was seen as similar to or the same as practices used by women locally. Women said they used lotions and/or powders to have an effect that they interpreted as similar to female genital cosmetic surgery. They bought these products in the pharmacy, or from a street vendor (pharmacie ambulant) or a traditional healer. There were different sorts of products – both lubricants for use if the opening of the vagina was too small (one female respondent explained that in her case this was because of excision), and chemical or herbal powders to narrow the vagina. These were intended to make sex more pleasurable. Different sorts of wax, perfumed with strong, sweetish smells, were also used as an aphrodisiac, which I learned from a woman who sold these products. Prostitutes in Bobo-Dioulasso were also found in research by the local Ur_Shadei/Centre Muraz to use such products.²³²⁴

“If your vagina has degenerated in some way, which can be due to giving birth… There are women who have vaginas that are very big. I often hear talk about that. If you are like that, even if you are pretty, if a man finds out that you are like that, he won't have any desire for you. In that case, you can make your vagina smaller, like an [adolescent] girl's [who has never had sex].” (Woman no.8, age 27)

Hence, products for narrowing the vagina are seen as a valid solution. Often women are dependent on financial support and other gifts from their sexual partner/s and need to stay attractive for them. Another reason for using such products to tighten the vagina is for the (young) woman to hide the fact that she has already had sex:

“Here in Africa, without surgery, older women teach this method [vaginal tightening] to young girls and also to married women. If a woman had a child, they show them how to make [the vagina] really small. Everything depends on the woman. If she likes it, there is no problem. Here in Africa, they particularly use it for girls who have had sexual intercourse and their virginity was taken. If they want to get married, and don't want their future husband to know that they have already been deflowered, the senior woman does this. The vagina closes. The husband will believe that he is the one who took her virginity.” (Man no.18, age 58)

Apparently, older women have or used to have knowledge of these products as part of their traditional role as teachers of younger women regarding partnerships, sexuality, household, etc. Virginity is important in this society even though premarital pregnancies are not uncommon. Here again, women are granted agency to decide whether to use such products, but in the context of staying (socially) attractive to their partner/s. It was not only the economic necessity but also validation and gaining of respect that is seen as the desired outcome in the use of these products.

“These things allow a woman to keep her man at home. Because if a woman puts something into her vagina in order to have sex with him, even if he goes and sleeps with another woman, he will find his wife much more interesting than the other. Hence, this could be used among white people, too. They can make their nose smaller, their mouth…” (Woman no.10, age 39)

With multiple partnerships among men seen as normal, for women there is always the challenge to keep her partner interested. Female genital cosmetic surgery was mostly regarded as a variant on local practices, since both were seen to serve the very same purpose. However, some respondents thought their own practices were better:

“There are small secrets, things you can apply at every intercourse, which then pass right away. Because if today you say that you want hot water, you will heat it up. Another day you will say that you want cold water… [laughs]. Hence, it is good to stay calm. Even if [the vagina] is big you can get products to tighten it. You use this stuff and then it's over. If a man can penetrate you, it's ok. It's done. And if you are too small and he is not able to penetrate you, there is this gluey stuff, this other thing, you apply. That doesn't take even five minutes. Why would you go and have an operation for the pleasure of five minutes? Hence, that is what you should do. If he says he has a need, you tell him to wait, you go to the toilet, you do your small things, you come back.” (Woman no.6, age 29)

Some expressed disapproval of cosmetic genital surgery, though they were in the minority. According to one young man, there should not be any interference with female genitals at all, both Burkinabe and western practices were “unnatural” and above all, represented a kind of deception of male sexual partners.

The “white methods” were regarded as less useful because they were much more expensive, were not variable once applied and might be reversed or lost after the birth of the next child. It was considered advantageous that with the “African methods”, as they were called several times, a woman could offer a varying range of genital modifications to serve the sexual pleasure of her male partner, and something different could be offered each time they had intercourse. In the opinion of most of the women, men need these variations, to keep them from having other relationships.

Genital modifications were thus seen as positive for enhancing men's sexual pleasure, not women's, which is contrary to the most desired outcome of female genital cosmetic surgery in the Western context. Secondly, they are either valued or criticised as a source of women's power over their partners, in the sense that they can be used to manipulate men.

Discussion

The practice of FC/FGM was an important issue in Bobo-Dioulasso, even though the prevalence seems to be falling. In the urban ethnically mixed context I encountered, the most important argument for continuing the practice was not that it had a traditional role but the need to control female sexuality.

Female sexuality was not necessarily regarded as negative, however. What was important was proper, morally acceptable behaviour rather than a negation of female sexuality. Female sexuality was regarded as very active and therefore difficult to control. With FC/FGM, a certain control is thought to be achieved. Both the need to control sexuality and the accentuation of sexuality were seen to exist side by side, given that men as well as women are sexually active. Diallo reached a similar conclusion when writing about Malian society.²⁵

What was said regarding the use of substances for sexual pleasure shows that women felt the need to stay sexually attractive, to prevent men from having extramarital affairs or having more feelings for a co-spouse in a polygamous marriage. This not only concerns issues of affection and jealousy, but is also a question of protecting resources for women and their children in the form of gifts or money, e.g. for school fees, as Roth has described.²⁶

FC/FGM and female genital cosmetic surgery were mostly regarded as two different things. The former was seen to belong to the category of socio-cultural obligations, necessary to achieve a certain respected status in life. The latter was interpreted solely as a woman's choice in order to satisfy male sexual needs. Yet the use of the substances described is also connected to socio-cultural obligations. For example, faking virginity and therefore chastity, is a way to demonstrate a woman's respectability.

What emerged overall is that people living in a country where FC/FGM is a traditional practice, did not have the same perspectives or draw the same conclusions about either FC/FGM or female genital cosmetic surgery as those living in Western countries.

Acknowledgements

An early version of this paper was presented at the Cosmetic Cultures Conference, University of Leeds, 24–26 June 2009. The research was part of an interdisciplinary project with a team scholarship for dissertations. From the viewpoints of social/cultural anthropology, psychology and political science, respectively, Sara Paloni, Daniela Dorneles de Andrade and I addressed the issue of comparability of body modification practices such as FC/FGM and cosmetic surgery. I would like to thank the Austrian Academy of Sciences (ÖAW) whose scholarship (DOC-team grant 2007–2010) enabled me to do this research. Many thanks to my thesis and project advisors Marie-France Chevron, Vienna University, and Janice Boddy, University of Toronto. Special thanks to my transcribers/translators Issiaka Bamba and Brahima Konaté. I am deeply grateful to all the informants and helpers in Bobo-Dioulasso, without whom it would not have been possible to conduct this research.

Notes

* Pierre Foldes, in the meantime, has apparently considered a lawsuit against the Raelians for the unauthorised use of his name for their cause.²⁰

* District names are not revealed for reasons of confidentiality.

† Even though I learned Dioula, it was necessary to conduct those interviews this way in order to permit a more fluent engagement.

** It would have been inappropriate to use a male interpreter during interviews with women and vice versa, and a young unmarried woman would not fit with an older married one. Sexual taboos would have hindered people from speaking about intimate parts of their lives.

†† Interviews in which one person asks questions and the other answers is an uncommon form of engagement for people in my field. I realised that many people felt uncomfortable with it and therefore let somebody else join if the interviewee wished so.

* For some ethnic groups, in fact, excision was traditionally done to facilitate birth.