Frequency, timing and intensity of remarriage in 19th century Flanders

Abstract

The article addresses the belief that the Early Modern period and the early 19th century were characterized by “many” remarriages. The confusion in the analysis, however, between proportion and intensity has led much research down the wrong track. The evolution in remarriage intensity and in some other sociodemographic remarriage characteristics was measured for the period 1800–1913 in Leuven, Aalst, and Bierbeek—three areas with different socioeconomic structures and cultural climates. Comparison of the age-specific ratios shows that the remarriage probability of widowed people was often lower than first-marriage probability of those not previously married, even in the first half of the 19th century. In so far as our data are representative of the Early Modern period, the claim that “many” remarriages took place then must be put into perspective. In fact—with the exception of young widowers—fewer remarriages than first marriages often occurred. The proportion of remarriages fell from 20–25% in the first half of the 19th century to 10–15% by the end of the century. The most frequently occurring remarriage type was that between a widower and an unmarried woman; the least common was between a widower and a widow. An additional cultural factor was that from approximately the mid-19th century on, first marriage was so central to the development of a private social environment and was so highly valued that a watered-down version, in the form of remarriage, was held in low esteem and even rejected.

Keywords:

• Malthusian marriage pattern
• First-marriage intensity
• Remarriage intensity
• Remarriage probability

Notes

1 The term Hajnal (1953) coined “Malthusian marriage pattern” in a study of the long-term changes in marriage intensity and marriage age.

2 From approximately the mid-19th century, the Malthusian marriage pattern eroded almost everywhere in western Europe: people married younger and more often. This phenomenon is extensively documented empirically. For a summary, see Matthijs (2001) and Van Poppel (1992).

3 See various studies in Marriage and Remarriage in Populations of the Past (Dupâquier, Helin, Laslett, Livi-Bacci, & Sogner, 1981). Toward the end of the 19th century, this proportion declined.

4 In Dupâquier et al. (1981), only a few articles attempt to estimate remarriage intensity for the Early Modern period or for the 19th century. Examples include those by Cabourdin (1981) and Livi-Bacci (1981).

5 These certificates established the marriage in law. As well as information about the date and place of the solemnization of the marriage, they contain information about the bride and groom themselves, their parents, and the witnesses. The registration of births, marriages, and deaths began in Belgium on June 17, 1796. For various reasons, some entries from the beginning of our study period may be unreliable. During the Dutch period (1815–1830), the registration system was perfected. The Civil Code (Article 109) of independent Belgium, which was grafted on to the Napoleonic Code (1804), took over the existing registration practices. Apart from a limited number of adjustments, the content of marriage certificates scarcely changed in the 19th century. Comparability is made more difficult at the beginning of the 19th century because the Republican calendar was in use during the period 1792–1805.

6 During the period 1800–1913, only 39 marriages (out of 16,955) in the three study areas involved at least one divorced person.

7 In Leuven, 1207 widowers remarried, in Aalst 635, and in Bierbeek 237. For widows, the figures were 965, 474, and 137, respectively.

8 The figures in this paragraph can be obtained upon request from the author.

9 This method has disadvantages, but nonetheless offers a good approach to remarriage behavior. One difficulty is that the timing of remarriage is not taken into account; a decline in remarriage intensity can be related both to postponement and cancellation and, if major fluctuations are evident, the measure used here is inaccurate. For other calculation methods, see, for instance Beex (1982), Bideau (1980), and Van Poppel (1992).

10 The coding of death certificates for complete years is possible from 1797 onward; for this reason, remarriage intensity can be calculated from 1803 onward. For the three previous years, extrapolation was necessary. In addition to this methodology, a problem of content also arises: many people from the surrounding countryside died in the hospitals of Leuven and Aalst. They did not die where they legally resided. In Bierbeek, this was rare. To correct this, these mortality cases were counted and deducted from the original number. Specifically, for every tenth year, the statutory residence of the deceased was checked. The other numbers were estimated by interpolation. A second problem is that widowed people are geographically mobile—even at younger ages. The measurements are distorted because some people return to their village of birth after being widowed—women more so than men—while others move to the town to start a new social life, which could also mean looking for a new partner (Van Poppel, 1995, p. 431). Thus, the influx of widowed people into towns increased. Finally, a third problem is that widowers usually married in the place where the new bride lived.

11 Remarriage made up for the loss of fertility following the death of young adult married women. Some believe that this should not be overestimated (Coale, 1981, p. 156); others believe that the effect was indeed significant, but did tail off over the course of the 18th and particularly the 19th centuries (Akerman, 1981, p. 174; Leridon, 1981, pp. 611–612; Livi-Bacci, 1981, p. 360). Whether and to what extent this effect was present depended on various factors: the ratio of available marriageable men and women, the social pressure to give children legal status, the age at being widowed, the presence of children and their ages, and the length of the interval between widowhood and remarriage. Who remarried whom also played a role: widowers remarrying women who would otherwise remain unmarried was different from (young) women who could otherwise marry younger, usually more virile men. In the former case, all other things being equal, fertility would increase; in the latter case, it would not or not as significantly.

12 A fine example is the introduction to the book, De Tien Vermakelijkheden van het Huwelijk [The ten attractions of marriage], dated 1678. In it, 17th century (re)marriage is portrayed with much cool humor, comic bias, and dismissive sarcasm. “It is extremely surprising, given that marital status entails so much grief, misery and trouble, that people are still so passionate and eager to enter into it. Young fellows who, as a result of their fiery, sulphurous nature are subject to the strong urges of desirable nature and who have a tendency to see the thing called Love through a magnifying glass, can be to some extent excused. But the fact that people who have now reached the years of knowledge and common sense should allow themselves to be carried away by it, seems to me so crazy in all respects that they would be more suited to a fool's cap and bells than a victory wreath. More surprising yet is that those who have already been in this unholy state of matrimony should embark upon it for the second or even third time, following the death of the companion” (Sweerts, 1988, p. 11; 1st ed. probably 1678).

13 Sometimes, the prospective remarrying couple was bothered in various ways by the young people of the village. They might be viciously insulted or disturbed by mock evening serenades, or charivari. But this could also have honest intentions: the charivari drove away the spirit of the deceased partner so that it would no longer disrupt the newfound happiness of the couple. (For a description of charivari practices, see, for instance, Corsini, 1981, p. 392; Segalen, 1981, p. 73; Van Poppel, 1992, pp. 304–305).

14 Gradually, married women were given more legal competence (see Perrot, 1989, p. 116).

15 The following quotation (Burguière, 1981, p. 41) speaks volumes: Lorsqu'un mari perd sa femme…ou une femme son mari, le survivant donne de même un repas. Pendant que le corps est là gisant, les convives rient, boivent, et chantent et font des arrangements pour marier, de nouveau, l'hôte qui les traite. Le veuf ou la veuve donne des raisons d'acceptation ou de refus le personnage qu'on lui propose: mais les amis ne se séparent guère que le marché soit conclu. [When a husband loses his wife…or a wife her husband, the surviving partner organizes a meal. While the body is lying there, the guests laugh, drink, sing, and make arrangements for the remarriage of the host who is feeding them. The widower or widow gives reasons for accepting or refusing the person suggested; but the friends barely part until the deal is done.]

16 The fact that most marriages were solemnized in the municipality where the bride lived might cause some distortion because the interval between being widowed and remarrying for those in the municipality of residence and the interval for those marrying elsewhere.

17 See, for instance, Van Poppel (1992, p. 308). In France, Bideau (1980, p. 40) observed that these regulations delaying remarriage were far from universally respected.

18 These figures are available upon request from the author.

19 Farmers remarried quickly in the Netherlands, too (see Van Poppel, 1992, p. 287).

20 The measure developed by Livi-Bacci 1981, pp. 349–350 has been used.

21 Figures in Section 7 are available upon request from the author.