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Notes
1. I would like to thank Phil Bonner, Jens Andersson, Hugh Macmillan, and the reviewers of this journal for their valuable comments on an earlier version of this article, which was presented at ‘Rethinking Worlds of Labour: Southern African Labour History in International Context’, organised by the History Workshop and the Sociology of Work Unit at the University of the Witwatersrand from 28 to 31 July 2006.
2. An early and unduly neglected statement of this argument may be found in Rocker (Citation[1937] 1978).
3. South Africa exemplifies this process, while drawing attention to the rise of large-scale African migrancy: in 1886 Johannesburg had 3,000 prospectors; ten years later, it was a city of 100,000; by 1913 it was home to around 250,000 (Krut Citation1988:135–136).
4. Key party policies and documents from 1909 and 1910 may be found in Ticktin (Citation1973:487–495, 526–533), while the 1912–1913 constitution and platform may be found in Grobler (Citation1968:appendix one, 498–519).
5. Mozambique's foreign trade rose 300 per cent between 1877 and 1892 (more merchandise passed through that port in the first six months of 1893 than in the previous five years), a railway line linked Delagoa Bay to the Witwatersrand from 1895, the systematic development of the harbour took place from 1900 onwards, and large-scale South African-based investments in real estate and construction occurred. By 1910 South African-based interests controlled utilities, shipping and handling, insurance and banking, but local business interests responded aggressively and the colonial state rapidly displaced foreign investors in these sectors (see Harries Citation1994:141; Penvenne Citation1995:17, 35).
6. There was also a small mining sector in Portuguese Angola, north of South West Africa, with 8,697 employees (including 160 whites).
7. ‘The Congo and Delagoa Strikes: the “white labour” fallacy revived’, The International 10 September 1920; ‘Troops: what for?’, The International 17 September 1920.
8. Divisional Criminal Investigations Officer, Witwatersrand Division, 5 July 1926. ‘Confidential Report to Deputy Commissioner, South African Police, Witwatersrand Division, Johannesburg, in Department of Justice file, JUS 915 1/18/26 part 3’. Pretoria: National Archives.
9. Another outcome of white migration in the region was the somewhat less successful, but far from insignificant, spread of Afrikaner nationalism. It developed a base in South West Africa, where there was a growing population of Afrikaner immigrants from both Angola and South Africa, and in 1924 the National Party of South West Africa was established. It was, however, unable to establish much of a foothold elsewhere, despite the widespread existence of Afrikaner communities. The profound alienation from Afrikaner nationalism felt by most whites in Southern Rhodesia accounted, in part, for the defeat of proposals in the 1920s to join South Africa as its fifth province.
10. While the ‘Cape tradition’ should not be unduly exaggerated, it was very real (Bickford-Smith Citation1995). The number of coloureds in commercial and industrial occupations in the Western Cape rose from nine per cent in 1891 to twenty per cent in 1904, with the number of clerks, storekeepers and hawkers tripling and the number of masons doubling in this period (Goldin Citation1987).
11. James Kier Hardie, ‘South Africa: Conclusions’, The Labour Leader 22 May 1908.
12. Henry Glasse, ‘International Notes: South Africa’, Freedom November-December 1905.
13. See, for example, The Voice of Labour 26 January 1912, letter from Henry Glasse.
14. ‘League Conference’, The International 7 January 1916; ‘The First Conference of the League’, The International 14 January 1916.
15. ‘The Pass Laws: organise for their abolition’, The International 19 October 1917.
16. It was actually named the IWW at first, and officials regarded it as a ‘a branch of the wider organisation which would appear to have been suppressed in Australia and New Zealand’: Secretary of Native Affairs to Commissioner of Police, 14 November 1917, 983/17/F.473, in Department of Justice, ‘The ISL and Coloured Workers’, JD 3/527/17. Pretoria: National Archives.
17. Cetiwe, reported by police detective in an unlabelled report, May 1918 (full date illegible), in Department of Justice, ‘The ISL and Coloured Workers’, JD 3/527/17. Pretoria: National Archives.
18. Industrial Socialist League, February 1920, ‘Where WE Stand’, The Bolshevik.
19. Manuel Lopes, ‘Cape Notes’, The International 24 January 1919.
20. The Workers' Dreadnought 7 August 1920, letter from Manuel Lopes.
21. David Ivon Jones, ‘Friends across the Border’, The International 10 September 1920.
22. Divisional Criminal Investigations Officer, Witwatersrand Division, 5 July 1926. ‘Confidential Report to Deputy Commissioner, South African Police, Witwatersrand Division, Johannesburg, in Department of Justice file, JUS 915 1/18/26 part 3’. Pretoria: National Archives.
23. Du Bois estimated that the UNIA had 10,000 paid-up members, at most 20,000 active members, and perhaps 100,000 nominal members (see Rudwick Citation1959:428).
24. An important exception is P Bonner who characterises the ICU as ‘millenarian syndicalism’ (Bonner Citationn.d.).
25. Divisional Criminal Investigations Officer, Witwatersrand Division, 1 May 1926. ‘Confidential Report to Deputy Commissioner, South African Police, Witwatersrand Division, Johannesburg, in Department of Justice file, JUS 915 1/18/26 part 2’. Pretoria: National Archives.
26. Allison WG Champion, 1927, The Truth About the ICU, the Roberts Printing Works for the African Workers' Club, Durban:5–7, folder on the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union in the IWW Collection, Collections of Archives of Labour and Urban Affairs, Walter P Reuther Library, Wayne State University, Detroit.
27. Also see Claude McKay, ‘Socialism and the Negro’, The Workers' Dreadnought 31 January 1920.