The sugar industry, political authorities, and scientific institutions in the regulation of saccharin: Valencia (1888–1939)

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Acknowledgements

This paper is the result of a research project that in the last months has strongly benefited from the research opportunities given by the SHAC Award Scheme 2009, the research project ‘La lucha contra la desnutrición en la España contemporánea y el contexto internacional (1874–1975)’ (HAR2009-13504-C02-01) funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and a postdoctoral fellowship at the Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte. I would like to thank Professor Hans-Jörg Rheinberger and all Department III for the stimulating comments they raised when I presented a first draft of this text at the department's colloquia and I want to thank specially Professor Ursula Klein for her detailed revisions of the paper and the encouraging discussions that followed them. The paper has also benefited from the comments raised by Professors Josep Barona and José Ramon Bertomeu (Universitat de València) as well as by those of two anonymous referees and the editor of the journal, Professor Trevor Levere.

Notes

¹See for instance: A. Stanziani, Histoire de la qualité alimentaire: XIXe–XXe siècle (Paris, 2005); M. French and J. Phillips, Cheated not poisoned? food regulation in the United Kingdom, 1875–1938. (Manchester, 2000); D.F. Smith and H.L. Diack with H.T.H. Pennington and E.M. Russell, Food Poisoning, Policy and Politics (London, 2005); but also numerous journal articles and book chapters by authors such as: Derek J. Oddy, Anne Hardy, David Smith, Peter Atkins, and Sally M. Horrocks in the British case; Madeleine Ferrières and Patrick Zylberman in the French case; and Hans-Jürgen Teuteberg, Ulrike Thoms and Vera Hierholzer in the German case.

²This issue has been tackled for the Valencian case in: X. Guillem-Llobat, De la cuina a la fàbrica. L'aliment industrial i el frau. El cas valencià en el context internacional (1878–1936) (Alacant, 2010).

³Saccharin is an artificial sweetener. The basic substance, benzoic sulfimide, is much sweeter than sucrose and, where it is still allowed, it is widely used as a food additive to sweeten products such as drinks, candies, medicines, and toothpaste. Nowadays it is often used combined with other artificial sweeteners such as cyclamate or aspartame. However, the regulation of this substance remains controversial and state governments have followed different paths in regulation. While in Canada it was banned in 1977, in the US this sweetener is the third most popular product after sucralose and aspartame, and in the European Union it is still permitted and is labelled as E954.

⁴K.T. Elvbakken, P. Laegreid and L.H. Rykkja, ‘Regulation for Safe Food: A Comparison of Five European Countries’, Scandinavian Political Studies 31 (2) (2008), 125–148.

⁵G.B. Kauffman and P.M. Priebe, ‘The Discovery of Saccharin: A Centennial Retrospect’, Ambix, 25(3) (1978), 191–207.

⁶D.J. Warner, ‘Ira Remsen, Saccharin, and the Linear Model’, Ambix, 55(1) (2008), 50–61.

⁷Fahlberg's decision to re-orient his career can be explained by his capacity to identify the economic importance of his discovery. He was a specialist in sugar chemistry and therefore he could have a good knowledge of the relevance of this economic sector. According to Deborah J. Warner, he travelled to the US in 1874 to work as a sugar chemist and indeed his arrival in Baltimore was also linked to his work on sugar chemistry. He went there in 1878 in connection with a lawsuit concerning the purity of imported sugar that had been confiscated by federal agents and, while waiting for the trial, he obtained permission to conduct some analyses in the Johns Hopkins laboratory (D.J. Warner, note 6). That was the beginning of Fahlberg's contribution to the development of the artificial sweetener.

⁸D.J. Warner (note 6), p. 53.

⁹A. del Busto y Marcos, Estudio de la Sacarina commercial. Memoria presentada para optar al grado de Doctor en Farmacia (Madrid, 1898), p. 9.

¹⁰J. Wilson & Co., Sacarina. Apuntes dedicados a las academias de medicina y a la facultad en general (Jérez, 1888), p. 10.

¹¹G. Bruylants, ‘La Saccharine’, in Les denrées alimentaires leurs alterations et leurs falsifications (Bruxelles, 1889), pp. 73–76.

¹²M. Saillard, ‘Conférence consultative internationale pour la Répression de l'emploi de la Saccharine et Edulcorants analogues dans les denrées alimentaires et les boissons’, Annales des Falsifications 2 (1909), 50–58 (pp. 55–56).

¹³Saccharin was a hybrid. It was a scientific object (resulting from chemical research on coal-tar derivatives) but it was also a commodity. It was considered a drug, a condiment, a foodstuff, or even an ingredient of smoking paper. Following Klein and Spary (see: U. Klein and E.C. Spary, Materials and Expertise in Early Modern Europe (Chicago, 2010)) this fact could raise interesting questions not only in relation to the biography of saccharin but also with regard to the nature of science and technology. However, this would be a completely different paper. In the present paper, in order to approach the stakeholders of regulation, the material identity of the object will be simplified and, consequently, I shall dismiss the identities that are not relevant to the case study. I will therefore focus mainly on its regulation as a foodstuff.

¹⁴G. Bruylants (note 11).

¹⁵Many authors have considered the rurality of Valencia at the turn of the century and although the depth of such rurality has been recently discussed, there is consensus in relation to the second-comer nature of the city. Valencia's rurality can be explained in many different ways, including the fact that in 1900 around one-half of the employed population of the city consisted of full-time peasants and that in 1930 although things were starting to change, more than 40% of workers were linked to agriculture. Even today the city is surrounded by a belt of orchards that can only be compared with that of very few European cities. More information about the rural character of the city can be found, for instance, in: J.M. Santacreu Soler, L'economia valenciana durant la guerra civil: protagonisme industrial i estancament agrari (València, 1992); F.A. Martínez Gallego, M. Chust Calero and E. Hernández Gascón, Valencia 1900: movimientos sociales y conflictos políticos durante la guerra de Marruecos, 1906–1914 (Castelló, 2001)

¹⁶A. Girona, ‘Una nueva forma de vivir: la urbe como modelo de atracción’, in La ciudad moderna. Arquitectura racionalista en Valencia (València, 1998), pp. 39–63.

¹⁷Some publications refer to the controversy on saccharin in the US, such as: J.H. Young, ‘Saccharin: A Bitter Regulatory Controversy’, in Research in the Administration of Public Policy, edited by F.B. Evans and H.T. Pinkett (Washington, DC, 1975); J.H. Young, ‘Anton J. Carlson: Witness for the Prosecution’, Pharmacy in History 41 (1999), 47–51; S.R. White, Chemistry and Controversy: Regulating the Use of Chemicals in Foods, 1883–1959 (Atlanta, 1994); D.J. Warner (note 6); and Carolyn de la Peña ‘Sweeten My Life a Little: Food Risk in the Saccharin Rebellion of 1977’, Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture (2007), 100–105. Others refer to the controversy in Germany, like: C.M. Merki, Ein Jahrhundert Zucker gegen Saccharin. Die künstlichen Süßstoffe im Spannungsfeld von Wirtschaft, Staat und Gesellschaft (Berne, 1991); and C.M. Merki, ‘Sugar Versus Saccharin: Sweetener Policy before World War I’, in The Origins and Development of Food Policies in Europe, edited by J. Burnett and D.J. Oddy (London and New York, 1994), pp. 192–205. These publications have dealt with the invention and regulation of saccharin in industrial societies. My paper, however, considers its regulation in a peripheral agrarian context and does not only include the passing of new regulations but also their implementation.

¹⁸Gaceta de Madrid, 1889, issue no. 86, pp. 885–886.

¹⁹Gaceta de Madrid, 1889, issue no. 102, p. 115.

²⁰ Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina. Madrid, 1888–1889. [Oficio remitido por la Dirección General de Benficencia y Sanidad al Presidente de la Real Academia de Medicina para que la Academia informe si cree peligroso el empleo de la Sacarina (8-XI-1888).]

²¹Similar events were taking place in other countries. In Belgium, for instance, the Ministre de l'Intérieur et de l'Instruction publique raised a similar request to the Académie royale de médecine. In that case, however, instead of including a copy of the regulations passed in another country, the request included a letter signed by sugar producers, as a way to put pressure on the members of the Academy deciding on the regulation of saccharin (G. Bruylants, note 11).

²² Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina. Madrid, 1888–1889. [La Academia traslada al Presidente de la Sección de Higiene pública el documento anterior, firma Matías Nieto Serrano (12-XI-1888).]

²³Joan Vilanova was not a specialist in food hygiene and nutrition, but that did not mean that he was unrelated to these topics. For instance, he was the author of a review of the International Congress of Hygiene and Demography held in Vienna in 1887, a congress in which the debates on the repression of food fraud were especially important. His review referred to these debates in depth but not through a personal account. Instead, he copied a review that had been written by his close friend Ángel Fernández Caro.

²⁴J.R. Gómez Pamo, Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Medicina para la recepción pública del académico electo D. Juan Ramón Goméz Pamo, doctor en farmacia, el dia 15 de Marzo de 1885 (Madrid, 1885).

²⁵J.R. Gómez Pamo, Discursos leídos en la Real Academia de Medicina para la recepción pública del académico electo D. Juan Ramón Goméz Pamo, doctor en farmacia, el dia 15 de Marzo de 1885 (Madrid, 1885)

²⁶J.R. Gómez Pamo, Manual de análisis química aplicada a las ciencias médicas (Madrid, 1874).

²⁷H. Collins and R. Evans, Rethinking Expertise (Chicago, 2007).

²⁸ Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina. Madrid 1888–1889. [Informe de la Sección, firmado por Gabriel de la Puerta (6-XII-1888).]

²⁹Gabriel de la Puerta, ‘De la sección de higiene sobre el empleo de la sacarina en sustitución del azúcar’, Anales de la Real Academia de Medicina 9 (1889), 123–126.

³⁰Gabriel de la Puerta, ‘De la sección de higiene sobre el empleo de la sacarina en sustitución del azúcar’, Anales de la Real Academia de Medicina 9 (1889), 123–126.

³¹G. Bruylants (note 11).

³²P. Brouardel, G. Pouchet and Ogier, ‘Saccharine. Son usage dans l'alimentation publique; son influence sur la santé’, Annales d'hygiene publique et de médecine légale, 3(20) (1888), 300–318.

³³Gabriel de la Puerta (note 29).

³⁴G. Bruylants (note 11).

³⁵P. Brouardel, G. Pouchet and Ogier (note 32).

³⁶However, this explicit reference to French reports is crossed out in the manuscript (Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina. Madrid 1888–1889. [Informe de la Sección, firmado por Gabriel de la Puerta (6-XII-1888)]) and, as mentioned above, does not appear at all in the published version of the Spanish report (Gabriel de la Puerta, note 29). The published report, instead of quoting the French studies, refers to ‘important foreign corporations’ in order to include a partial version of some of the arguments raised by French scholars.

³⁷J.L. Barona Vilar, La doctrina y el laboratorio: fisiología y experimentación en la sociedad Española del siglo XIX (Madrid, 1992).

³⁸An example of these discussions can be seen in ‘Recherche de la saccharine dans les aliments’, Revue Internationale des Falsifications 3 (1890), 118.

³⁹Although the report of the Real Academia did not explicitly refer to the authorship of the method they were proposing, it can be identified as that developed by Schmitt. This method transformed saccharin into salicylic acid and then determined the presence of this intermediate substance. However, it was soon established that with foodstuffs such as jams or beverages like sweet wines this would become a problem as they could contain salicylic acid in their normal state. In those cases one would get a positive result even if the sample did not contain saccharin.

⁴⁰H. Collins and R. Evans (note 27).

⁴¹Saccharin was sold in pharmacies to people suffering from diabetes or was part of syrups or other pharmaceuticals. The order of 1889 did not limit this use at all. However, future rules restricted the amounts of saccharin that each pharmacy could sell in order to avoid illegal access to the sweetener by food producers, middlemen and retailers.

⁴²One of the PhD dissertations was presented by the pharmacist Álvaro del Busto y Marcos in 1897 (A. del Busto y Marcos, note 9) and another one by the pharmacist Jesús Casares Bescansa in 1905 (J. Casares Bescansa, Memoria sobre la sacarina y algunas de sus sales para aspirar al título de Doctor en farmacia (La Coruña, 1907)). The former was especially informative and included a well-grounded section on the physiological action of saccharin. In this section Busto y Marcos admitted that saccharin could produce some minor digestive problems but did not hesitate to state that at low doses it would not be noxious. However, his point was on the use of saccharin in drugs. The aim of his dissertation was, in fact, the discussion on the use of saccharin in pharmaceuticals and, therefore, he paid little attention to its use in foodstuffs.When he referred to this latter issue, he only stated that in the food market the purity of saccharin would not be properly guaranteed and these impurities could be the origin of consumers’ health problems (A. del Busto y Marcos, note 9, p. 53). Busto y Marcos was accepting the possibility of the emergence of health problems related to the consumption of foodstuffs sweetened with saccharin. However, he mainly linked these possible problems to impurities and not to saccharin itself, contrary to that stated by the report of the Real Academia.

⁴³A. Fernández-Caro, XIV ^e Congres international de médecine. Madrid, Avril 23–30, 1903. Comptes-rendus (Madrid, 1904).

⁴⁴Self-experimentation practices have a long tradition in medical research, as pointed out, for instance, in: L.K. Altman, Who Goes First? The Story of Self-experimentation in Medicine (Berkeley, CA, 1998). However, in the case of de la Puerta, the lack of a well planned experimental practices clearly differed from previous successful cases.

⁴⁵Gabriel de la Puerta also included his conclusions on the physiological action of saccharin in his book Lecciones de Química según el programa para ingreso en el cuerpo de aduanas, published some years later, in 1908 (Gabriel de la Puerta, Lecciones de Química según el programa para ingreso en el cuerpo de aduanas (Madrid, 1908)). Twenty years after his first study on saccharin he still held the same views on its noxious action.

⁴⁶J.B. Peset Aleixandre, ‘Investigación forense de la sacarina’, Anales del Instituto Médico Valenciano 9 (1911), 129–138.

⁴⁷Peset also cited a series of experiments by different international scholars who agreed about the innocuous nature of the artificial sweetener; among them he referred to those carried out by Viguier, Stutzer, Mosso and Aducco, Dujardin Beaumetz, Jessen, etc. (see J.B. Peset Aleixandre (note 46), p. 130)

⁴⁸More information in: X. Guillem-Llobat, ‘Losing the Global View in the Establishment of New Limits to Food Quality. The Regulation of the Food Market in Spain (1880–1936)’, Food & History 6(1) (2008), 215–246.

⁴⁹One year before a similar law had been passed in Germany in order to ban saccharin and only allow its consumption by those who could prove by documentary evidence that they had to avoid sugar for health reasons (see C.M. Merki, note 17, pp. 196–197).

⁵⁰In regulations passed immediately afterwards, the importation of controlled quantities of saccharin was allowed (see: Gaceta de Madrid, 1904, no. 16, pp. 190–191). However, this saccharin would only be marketed at the Chemist's and each pharmacist was only allowed 4 kg of the sweetener. Diabetics were therefore permitted to consume saccharin but in this case it was not a serious competitor for sugar industrialists.

⁵¹Gaceta de Madrid, 1904, issue no. 289, pp. 211–212.

⁵²Gaceta de Madrid, 1909, issue no. 261, pp. 531–532.

⁵³Gaceta de Madrid, 1908, issue no. 358, pp. 1182–1186.

⁵⁴I will comment more generally on the role of industry and state in the establishment of regulation to control ‘adulteration’ in the last section of my paper. We will then see that their participation can be understood as part of a more general trend aiming at conciliating innovation with the stability of a food market that was radically transformed by the end of the nineteenth century.

⁵⁵Gaceta de Madrid, 1925, issue no. 325, p. 955. The restrictive tone of this regulation can probably be understood as part of the final signs of the past trend in regulation, and that may also explain that it was not translated into actual practical measures of control.

⁵⁶Gaceta de Madrid, 1913, issue no. 357, p. 861. The pardon did not allow traders to continue selling foodstuffs containing saccharin but their debt for the previous sanction was cancelled.

⁵⁷Gaceta de Madrid, 1919, issue no. 325, pp. 833–834.

⁵⁸Gaceta de Madrid, 1928, issue no. 15, pp. 428–429. This permission should be interpreted within the new trend in regulation. Morató i Font was an active pharmacist both in his laboratory and in the bureaucratic bodies of Catalan pharmacists but arguably he did not have any special link to major economic or political lobbies which could give him a preferential treatment in regulation.

⁵⁹See for instance: Gaceta de Madrid, 1937, issue no. 131, pp. 639–640; or Gaceta de Madrid, 1938, issue no. 100, p. 202.

⁶⁰L. Germán Zubero, ‘Características del desarrollo del complejo remolachero-azucarero en España, 1882–2000’, in Las industrias agroalimentarias en Italia y España durante los siglos XIX y XX, edited by C. Barciela López; A. Di Vittorio (Alacant, 2003), pp. 335–356.

⁶¹A.M. Donoso, Desenvolvimiento de la industria azucarera en España y en especial de las fábricas de azúcar de remolacha: desde 1899 hasta 1911 (Madrid, 1912).

⁶²L. Germán Zubero (note 60). German Zubero has estimated for example, that while at the beginning of the saccharin controversy, 1885–1889, the consumption of sugar in Spain was estimated in 3.9 kg per capita in the period 1900–1904 it was of 5.2 kg per capita.

⁶³A. Doval Pais, Delitos de fraude alimentario. Análisis de sus elementos esenciales (Pamplona, 1996).

⁶⁴Merki has also explained the important role played by the sugar industry in the banning of saccharin in Germany (see C.M. Merki, note 17). On the other hand, the higher relative importance of the chemical industry involved in saccharin production in Switzerland (see C.M. Merki, note 17) and the US (see S.R. White, note 17) can explain the more favourable legislation then in force in both of these latter countries.

⁶⁵In Spain the municipal level was the fundamental site for the application of the rules that had been drafted at the state level. Although municipal rules were also passed, in the implementation of food safety regulation these never had the relevance of those passed by the state government. This fact explains the transition in this article from the Spanish state level to the Valencian municipal level.

⁶⁶Luís Gil Sumbiela, professor at the Valencian official school of commerce, criticised in 1903 that the use of saccharin for adulterating foodstuffs was not being correctly persecuted in Valencia. Municipal authorities were not enforcing the rule of 3rd April 1889 with the necessary effectiveness and that would explain, according to Gil Sumbiela, that in 1902 around 1060 kg of saccharin had been imported through the Valencian border. These quantities could not possibly be directed to the drugs market; they necessarily meant that saccharin was being used in the sweetening of foodstuffs (see: Arxiu Municipal de Valencia, 1903, sec. 1, subsec. D, class 2, subclass k, no. 4 [D. Luís Gil Sumbiela solicita se nombren dos Inspectores, que pudieran ser peritos químicos, encargados exclusivamente de la vigilancia de los productos alimenticios…]).

⁶⁷J.M. Santacreu Soler, L'economia valenciana durant la Guerra Civil: protagonisme industrial i estancament agrari (València, 1992) and V. Soler, ‘L'economia valenciana al tombant de segle’, L'Espill 2 (1999), 124–144.

⁶⁸The change from organoleptic control to chemical testing did not necessarily mean an improvement in the regulation of quality. In the same way as Hamlin (C. Hamlin, A Science of Impurity. Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Berkeley, CA, 1990)) has extensively challenged the claim that the new bacteriological methods introduced in food analysis were an improvement in the regulation of quality, this could be queried with regard to food chemical controls. Some attempts in this sense can be found in A. Stanziani (note 1) and X. Guillem-Llobat, El control de la qualitat dels aliments. El cas valencià en el context internacional (1878–1936) (Valencia, 2008).

⁶⁹Analytical chemistry and chemical laboratories had already experienced an important transformation in previous decades (see for instance: U. Klein, ‘The laboratory Challenge. Some Revisions of the Standard View of Early Modern Experimentation’, Isis, 99 (2008), 769–782, or E. Homburg, ‘The Rise of Analytical Chemistry and Its Consequences for the Development of the German Chemical Profession (1780–1860)’, Ambix, 46(1) (1999), 1–32). However, it was only as from the late 1870s that the new chemical laboratories got involved in the control of food safety and quality in a systematic way throughout Europe.

⁷⁰A. Stanziani (note 1).

⁷¹V. Hierholzer, ‘The “War Against Food Adulteration”: Municipal Food Monitoring and Citizen Self-Help Associations in Germany, 1870s–1880s’, in Food and the City in Europe since 1800, edited by P. Atkins, P. Lummel and D.J. Oddy (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 117–130.

⁷²D.J. Oddy, ‘Food Quality in London and the Rise of the Public Analyst, 1870–1939’, in Food and the City in Europe since 1800, edited by P. Atkins, P. Lummel and D.J. Oddy (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 91–104.

⁷³The role of the municipal chemical laboratory of Valencia has been analysed in: X. Guillem-Llobat, ‘The Foundation of a New Site for Food Safety Regulation. The Municipal Chemical Laboratory of València (1881–1936)’, in Healthcare Systems and Medical Institutions, edited by A. Andresen, T. Gronlie, W. Hubbard and T. Ryymin (Bergen: Novus Press), pp. 142–153.

⁷⁴Physicians, chemists, pharmacists, veterinarians and engineers were involved in these laboratories in cooperative and conflicting ways. The new field of food control was then emerging as a clear example of what Gieryn has referred to as boundary-work (see, for instance: T.F. Gieryn ‘Boundary-work and the demarcation of science from non-science: Strains and interests in professional ideologies of scientists’, American Sociological Review 48 (1983), 781–795). The participation of this multiplicity of scholars and professionals in food fraud control has already been tackled by the author of this paper in his PhD dissertation and is now the main object of a forthcoming paper.

⁷⁵M.A. Canet, F.J. Martínez and J. Valor, ‘La institucionalització de la salut pública a València: dels laboratoris químic i bacteriològic a l'Institut Municipal d'Higiene’, in Salut i malaltia en els municipis valencians, edited by J.L. Barona and J. Micó (València, 1996), pp. 191–214.

⁷⁶V. Peset Cervera, ‘El Laboratorio Químico Municipal de Valencia’, Gaceta de los hospitales 18 (1882), 409–414.

⁷⁷Contemporary authors like the abovementioned Luis Gil Sumbiela also believed the inspection service to be the real bottleneck of the municipal services for the detection of food fraud. He raised this point in his report in 1903 (Arxiu Municipal de Valencia, 1903, sec. 1, subsec. D, class 2, subcla ss k, no. 4 [D. Luís Gil Sumbiela solicita se nombren dos Inspectores, que pudieran ser peritos químicos, encargados exclusivamente de la vigilancia de los productos alimenticios…]).

⁷⁸A. Stanziani (note 1).

⁷⁹X. Guillem-Llobat (note 2).

⁸⁰Gaceta de Madrid, 1903, issue no. 359, pp. 1071–1072. This rule was enforced by municipal inspectors such as Ismael Pastor and Vicente Batalla and by the analyses carried out in the Municipal laboratory (see for instance: Arxiu Municipal de València, 1904, sec. 1, subsec. D, class 2, subclass k, no. 5 [El Sr. Inspector del Cuerpo Municipal de Sanidad comunica que los fabricantes de bebidas gaseosas D. José Martí, D. Salvador Martí, D. Francisco Puchol, la Viuda de Cayol, D. José Ibáñez y la fábrica Rat Penat, han incurrido por segunda vez en la sofisticación por sacarina…].

⁸¹The reports allow us to identify trends in food control but not to give precise estimates of the number of analyses. The Municipal Archives of Valencia only contain incomplete series of these reports of the analyses conducted at the laboratory. We can only find more precise information for the nineteenth century period (that is, before the passing of the first specific law banning saccharin) and even then it is difficult to ascertain the total number of foodstuffs that were under inspection in some way (as the information we have only refers to the samples that were analysed at the laboratory and it does not include those revised by street inspectors). Therefore, we cannot rely on good estimates of the number of prosecutions. We only know that the reports on saccharin analyses that are still kept at the Archives cover the period 1903–1913 and that they were mainly taken by special inspectors.

⁸²V. Peset Cervera (note 76).

⁸³X. Guillem-Llobat, El control de la qualitat dels aliments. El cas valencià en el context internacional (1878–1936), (Valencia, 2008), p. 249.

⁸⁴For information on the Spanish chemical industry of that period see, for instance: N. Puig, ‘The Frustrated Rise of Spanish Chemical Industry between the Wars’, in Determinants in the Evolution of the European Chemical Industry, edited by A.S. Travis, et al. (The Netherlands, 1998), pp. 301–320.

⁸⁵ Arxiu Municipal de València, 1910, secc. 1, subsecc. D, classe 2, subclasse k, núm. 24 [Resultado del análisis de una muestra Sidral n° 900 tomada en la calle de Pi y Margall n° 51].

⁸⁶For instance, Fahlberg's initiatives in Germany searched for growing acceptance among political authorities. Apparently, he was initially successful in his search for institutional recognition. However, according to Merki that would soon change (C.M. Merki, note 17). In the US the role of Monsanto in the defence of the use of saccharin prevented it from being banned during the first years of international persecution (S.R. White, note 17). Once more, the chemical industry was determining the regulations.

⁸⁷J. Wilson & Co. (note 10).

⁸⁸X. Guillem-Llobat (note 48).

⁸⁹X. Guillem-Llobat (note 48).

⁹⁰A. Stanziani, ‘Negotiating Innovation in a Market Economy: Foodstuffs and Beverages Adulteration in Nineteenth-Century France’, Enterprise & Society 8(2) (2007), pp. 375–412.

⁹¹Gaceta de Madrid, 1889, issue no. 86, pp. 885–886.

⁹²Gaceta de Madrid, 1937, issue no. 131, pp. 639–640.

⁹³X. Guillem-Llobat (note 48).

⁹⁴S. Jasanoff, ‘EPA's Regulation of Daminozide: Unscrambling the Messages of Risk’, Science, Technology, & Human Values 12(3/4) (1987), 116–124.

⁹⁵E. Rubery, ‘Medical Science and Public Policy: Handling Uncertainty, Managing Transparency, History & Policy, http://www.historyandpolicy.org/papers/policy-paper-12.html

⁹⁶A. Stanziani (note 90).