The Formation of the Arabic Pharmacology Between Tradition and Innovation

Summary

The pharmacological tradition in the medieval Islamic world developed on the basis of the Greek tradition, with the works of Dioscorides and Galen being particularly popular. The terminology was influenced not only by Greek, but also Middle Persian, Syriac, and indigenous Arabic words. Through recent research into Graeco-Arabic translations, it has become possible to discern the evolution of pharmacological writing in Arabic: in the late eighth century, the technical terms were being developed, with transliterations being used; by the mid-ninth century, many standard Arabic translations for Greek words have been established. Various authors, however, expanded the pharmacology inherited from the Greeks. Galen had established a system of degrees of primary faculties (dry or moist, and warm or cold) that various physicians in the Islamic world modified. Al-Kindī, for instance, invented a theory of how to calculate these degrees in compound drugs, whereas ar-Rāzī criticised the epistemology that underlies Galen's theories. Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna) complemented the various degrees in his description of simple drugs. Furthermore, both Ibn Sarābiyun and al-Kaskarī integrated new drugs from the Islamic heartland, and the Far East into the Greek system. In these ways, the Arabic pharmacology developed in a creative tension of tradition and innovation.

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to acknowledge the financial support of the Wellcome Trust. He is grateful to Charles Burnett and Benno van Dalen for their invitation to contribute to this special issue, and for their judicious comments on an earlier draft. He also wishes to thank Robert Hawley, Grigory Kessel, and Pauline Koetschet for their assistance with various points of detail.

Notes

¹Anna A. Akasoy, James E. Montgomery, Peter E. Pormann (eds.), Islamic Crosspollinations: Interactions in the Medieval Middle East (Oxford: Oxbow, 2007).

²See Irfan Shahîd, Byzantium and the Arabs: Late Antiquity I, Bibliothèque de Byzantion 7, série de réimpressions 1 (Byzantion: Brussels, 2005), as well as his monumental Byzantium and the Arabs (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1984); and Robert Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs : from the Bronze Age to the coming of Islam (New York: Routledge, 2001).

³Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early əAbbāsid Society (2nd–4th/8th–10th Centuries) (London: Routledge, 1998).

⁴Owsei Temkin, Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973).

⁵Noga Arikha, Passions and Tempers: a history of the humours (New York: Ecco, 2007).

⁶Standard edition of the Greek text by Max Wellmann, Pedanii Dioscuridis Anazarbei De materia medica libri quinque (Berlin: Weidmann, 1906–14); English translation by Lily Y. Beck, Pedanius Dioscorides of Anazarbus: De materia medica, Altertumswissenschaftliche Texte und Studien 38 (Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann, 2005).

⁷For these Galenic texts, we still rely on the uncritical edition by Karl G. Kühn, Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia, 20 vols. (Leipzig, 1821–33); On Simple Drugs is in XI, 379–892 and XII, 1–377.

⁸ed. Kühn (note 7), XII, 378–1007 and XIII, 1–361.

⁹ed. Kühn (note 7), XIII, 362–1058.

¹⁰Quoted by Nağīb ad-Dīn as-Samarqandī (d. 1222), Kitāb əUsūl tarkīb al-əadwiya (Book on the Principles of Composing Drugs), ed. Martin Levey, The Medical Formulary of Al-Samarqandī and the Relation of Early Arabic Simples to those Found in the Indigenous Medicine of the Near East and India (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967), p. 279, line 13; see Manfred Ullmann, review of: Oliver Kahl, The Small Dispensatory by Sābūr ibn Sahl, Islamic philosophy, Theology and Science 53 (Leiden [u.a.]: Brill, 2003), in Welt des Orients 34 (2004), 233–5, on p. 235.

¹¹See, for instance, Werner Schmucker, Die pflanzliche und mineralische Materia medica im Firdaus al-Hikma des əAlī Ibn Sahl Rabban aṭ-ṭabarī, Bonner orientalistische Studien, Neue Serie 18 (Bonn: Selbstverlag des Orientalischen Seminars der Universität, 1969), for a study of one of the earliest extant medical texts in Arabic, the Paradise of Wisdom (Firdaws al-Hikma) by əAlī Ibn Sahl Rabban aṭ-ṭabarī (fl. 850s).

¹²From Aramaic cf. Carl Brockelmann, Lexicon syriacum (2nd ed., Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1928), 469b; Immanuel Löw, Aramaeische Pflanzennamen (Leipzig: W. Engelmann, 1881), no. 58; and Albrecht Dietrich, Dioscurides Triumphans. Ein anonymer arabischer Kommentar (Ende 12. Jahrh. n. Chr.) zur Materia medica, AAWG phil.-hist. 3. Folge, nos. 172–3 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988), III, 24–6.

¹³From Aramaic ;cf. Dietrich (note 12), II, 148, note 4.

¹⁴See Schmucker (note 11), no. 777.

¹⁵Dietrich (note 12), IV, 110.

¹⁶From Greek υ‘πoκιστϕι´ς.

¹⁷From Greek χαμαι´πιτυς; see Dietrich (note 12), III, 150; Manfred Ullmann (ed.), Wörterbuch der klassischen Arabischen Sprache, 2 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1957–2009), I, 576b34–577a13.

¹⁸Dietrich (note 12), IV, 116; M. Ullmann (note 17), II, 636b18–637a33.

¹⁹əĀlam is influenced by Hebrew əo¯lām, meaning both ‘world’ and ‘eternity’; hence the meaning of ‘living forever’ in Arabic.

²⁰See generally Philippe Gignoux, art. ‘Health, i. Pre-Islamic Period’, Encyclopaedia Iranica, XII, 102a–4a. Section 157 of the third book of the De¯nkard deals specifically with medicine and constitutes a sort of short treatise on the topic; see J. P. de Menasce, Le troisième livre du De¯nkart, Travaux de l'Institut d’Études Iraniennes 5 (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1973), 158–68. See also Jürgen Hampel, Medizin der Zoroastrier im vorislamischen Iran (Husum, 1982).

²¹Paul Kunitzsch, ‘Zur Problematik und Interpretation der arabischen Übersetzungen antiker Texte’, Oriens 25/26 (1976), 116–32.

²²See Löw (note 12); and, more recently, the detailed study of mineral materia medica by Fabian Käs, Die Mineralien in der arabischen Pharmakognosie: Eine Konkordanz zur mineralischen Materia medica der klassischen arabischen Heilmittelkunde nebst überlieferungsgeschichtlichen Studien, 2 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010). For Syriac developments (to which we shall return shortly), see now also Robert Hawley, ‘Preliminary Notes on a Syriac Treatise about the Medicinal Properties of Foodstuffs’, Semitica et Classica 1 (2008), 81–104; and Robert Hawley, ‘Three Fragments of Antyllus in Syriac Translation’, Sur les pas des Araméens chrétiens. Mélanges offerts à Alain Deseumaux, ed. F. Briquel Chatonnet, M. Debié, Cahiers d’études syriaques 1, (Paris, 2010), 241–56.

²³See Dietrich (note 12), for a prominent example.

²⁴Ivan Garofalo, ‘Un sondaggio sul De simplicium medicamentorum facultate di Galeno’, in: Studi arabo-islamici in onore di Roberto Rubinacci nel suo settantesimo compleanno, ed. Clelia Sarnelli Cerqua (Napoli: Istituto universitario orientale, 1985), 317–25, proposed Hubayš as translator of this text; Ullmann's arguments, however, possess great persuasive qualities.

²⁵This is British Library, MS add. 14661; see William Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838, 3 vols (London: British Museum, 1870–72; repr. Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2002), III, 1187; and A. Merx, ‘Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel’, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 39 (1885), 237–305.

²⁶See Peter E. Pormann, ‘The Development of Translation Techniques from Greek into Syriac and Arabic: The Case of Galen's On the Faculties and Powers of Simple Drugs, Book Six’, in: Mediaeval Arabic Thought, ed. Charles Burnett, Rotraud Hansberger (London: Warburg Institute; Turin: Nino Aragno Editore, 2011) [forthcoming].

²⁷Book VI, chapter 1, 37 [XI, p. 828, lines 12–15 ed. Kühn (note 7)].

²⁸See Manfred Ullmann, Wörterbuch zu den griechisch-arabischen Übersetzungen des 9. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002), under α´μμωμιακóν.

²⁹Manfred Ullmann, Untersuchungen zur arabischen Überlieferung der Materia Medica des Dioskurides (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009).

³⁰Alain Touwaide, ‘Translation and Transliteration of Plant Names in Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq's and əIṣṭifān b. Bāsil's Arabic Version of Dioscorides, De materia medica’, Al-Qantara 30 (2009), 557–80, with further literature.

³¹Touwaide (note 30), pp. 559–60.

³²César Emilie Dubler, Elias Terés, La versión árabe de la Materia Medica de Dioscórides (texto, variantes e índices) (Tetuán; Barcelona: Tipografía Emporium, 1953–9).

³³See also, Manfred Ullmann, Wörterbuch zu den griechisch-arabischen Übersetzungen des 9. Jahrhunderts, Supplement 2 vols (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006–7). I, 24–5.

³⁶M. Ullmann (note 29), p. 105, textual example number 26.

³⁴M. Ullmann (note 29), pp. 79–118, has done this for forty textual examples. In the following, I summarise his main findings.

³⁵book ii, chapter 136.

³⁷M. Ullmann (note 29), p. 105.

³⁸See M. Ullmann (note 29), p. 147, and M. Ullmann (note 28), p. 286 under η‘′μϵρoς.

³⁹M. Ullmann (note 29), pp. 50–51.

⁴⁰Incidentally, in the Greek-Latin medical versions, we find a similar tendency: the older translations favour transliteration, whereas the later resort to translation more often; see S. Sconocchia, ‘Problemi di traduzione del testo Greco del De plantis duodecim signis et septem planetis subiectis attribuito a Tessalo di Tralle: i rapporti tra la traduzione latina tardo-antica e la traduzione latine medioevale’, in Textes médicaux latins antiques, ed. Guy Sabbah (Saint-Étienne: Publications de l'Université de Saint-Étienne, 1984), 125–51.

⁴¹See Ute Pietruschka, ‘ “Puššāq šmāhe¯” und “Sullam”: mehrsprachige Wörterbücher bei Syrern und Kopten im arabischen Mittelalter’, Das Mittelalter 2 (1997), 119–33.

⁴²Rubens Duval (ed.), Lexicon syriacum auctore Hassano bar Bahlule voces syriacas græcasque cum glossis syriacis et arabicis complectens, 3 vols (Paris: e Reipublicæ typographæo, 1888–1901), col. 2, third line form the bottom–col. 3, first line; see Peter E. Pormann, The Oriental Tradition of Paul of Aegina's Pragmateia, Studies in Ancient Medicine 29 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 14–16.

⁴³iii. 45; translation with significant modifications by Lily Y. Beck, De materia medica by Pedanius Dioscorides (Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann, 2005), 200.

⁴⁴For a detailed discussion, see Caroline Petit, ‘La tradition manuscrite du traité des Simples de Galien. Editio princeps et traduction annotée des chapitres 1 à 3 du livre I’, in Histoire de la tradition et édition des médecins grecs – Storia della tradizione e edizione dei medici greci, Atti del VI Colloquio internazionale sull'ecdotica dei testi medici, Parigi aprile 2008, edited by Véronique Boudon-Millot, Jacques Jouanna, Antonio Garzya and Amneris Roselli (Naples, 2009), 143–65.

⁴⁵See Michael Frede, ‘An Empiricist View of Knowledge: Memorism’, in: Epistemology, edited by Stephen Everson, Companions to Ancient Thought 1 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990), 225–50.

⁴⁶XI, 429 ed. Kühn (note 7); unpublished translation by Caroline Petit, slightly modified here.

⁴⁷XII, 100–101 ed. Kühn (note 7).

⁴⁸Vivian Nutton, ‘Roman Medicine, 250 BC to ad 200’, in The Western Medical Tradition 800 bc to ad 1800, ed. Lawrence I. Conradf, Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, Roy Porter, Andrew Wear (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 57.

⁴⁹bk 7, ch. 3, section 16; ed. Johan L. Heiberg, Paulus Aegineta, Corpus medicorum Graecorum ix. 1–2, 2 vols (Leipzig and Berlin: Teubner, 1921–4), II, 251, lines 24–7.

⁵⁰See Dimitri Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna's Philosophical Works (Leiden: Brill, 1988).

⁵¹For this aspect of Avicenna's activity, see the recent article by Cristian Álvarez-Millán, ‘The Case History in Medieval Islamic Medical Literature: Tajārib and Mujarrabāt as Source’, Medical History 54 (2010), 195–214, on pp. 209–13 with further literature.

⁵²For the West, see Nancy G. Siraisi, Avicenna in Renaissance Italy: The Canon and the Medical Teaching in Italian Universities after 1500 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987); and, more generally, Avicenna and his Heritage: Acts of the International Leuven - Louvain-la-Neuve, September 8–September 11, 1999 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002); for the East, see, La médecine au temps des califes: à l'ombre d'Avicenne (Paris: Institut du monde arabe; Gand: Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon, 1996).

⁵³Peter E. Pormann, ‘Medical Education in Late Antiquity: From Alexandria to Montpellier’, in: Hippocrates and Medical Education: Selected Papers Read at the XIIth International Hippocrates Colloquium, Universiteit Leiden, 24–26 August 2005, edited by H. F. J. Horstmanshoff in collaboration with C. R. van Tilburg (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 419–41.

⁵⁴On Avicenna's pharmacology and its impact on the West, see now Helena M. Paavilainen, Medieval Pharmacotherapy, Continuity and Change: Case Studies from Ibn Sina and some of his late Medieval Commentators, Studies in Ancient Medicine 38 (Leiden: Brill, 2009).

⁵⁶ my correction; the print has the corrupt form

⁵⁷This word (µω˜λυ), is given as a synonym for wild rue by Dioscorides in the next chapter (iii. 46): ‘Some people call wild rue what is named in Cappadocia and Galatia in Asia as môly ()’

⁵⁵Ibn Sīnā, Qānūn fī t-tibb, 3 vols (Bulāq: 1877; repr. Baghdad: Maktabat al-Muətannā, 1970), I, 388–9.

⁵⁸See Dubler and Terés (note 32), vol. ii, p. 260, lines 2–3.

⁵⁹Cf. Dioscorides, book III, chapter 45: ‘ ’

⁶⁰book 7, chapter 3, section 16; vol. II, p. 251, lines 24–5 ed. J. L. Heiberg (note 49); see above, p. 503.

⁶¹XII, 235 ed. Kühn (note 7).

⁶²book 7, chapter 3, section 18; vol. II, p. 257, line 12 ed. J. L. Heiberg (note 49).

⁶³I, 304 (note 55).

⁶⁴On this, see Peter Adamson, Al-Kindī (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 161–6.

⁶⁵For al-Kindī's life and intellectual output, see Peter Adamson, Peter E. Pormann (trs.), Al-Kindi's Philosophical Works (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), xvii–lxxv [in press].

⁶⁶Martin Levey (ed.), The Medical Formulary, or, Aqrabādhīn of Al-Kindi, University of Wisconsin publications in medieval science (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966).

⁶⁷Léon Gauthier (ed.), Antécédents gréco-arabes de la psychophysique (Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique, 1938). This text is also transmitted in a Latin translation; see Michael McVaugh's edition, contained in id. (ed.), Arnaldi de Villanova: Opera medica omnia II, Aphorismi de gradibus (Granada: University of Barcelona, 1975), on pp. 263–305.

⁶⁸ed. Gauthier (note 67), p. 1 (Arabic).

⁶⁹This is a strongly simplified version of al-Kindī's theory; a more complex English summary and analysis can be found in Adamson's discussion, quoted above note 64.

⁷⁰See Gerhard Endreß, ‘Building the Library of Arabic Philosophy: Platonism and Aristotelianism in the Sources of al-Kindī’, The libraries of the Neoplatonists: Proceedings of the Meeting of the European Science Foundation Network ‘Late Antiquity and Arabic Thought: Patterns in the Constitution of European Culture’ Held in Strasbourg, March 12–14, 2004 under the Impulsion of the Scientific Committee of the Meeting, Composed by Matthias Baltes, Michel Cacouros, Cristina D'Ancona, Tiziano Dorandi, Gerhard Endress, Philippe Hoffmann, Henri Hugonnard Roche, Philosophia antiqua 107 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 319–50, on p. 344.

⁷¹The exception is Averroes (Ibn Rušd) who critically modifies al-Kindī's notions; see Gauthier (note 67), 92–8.

⁷²See Albert Zaki Iskandar, ‘Ar-Rāzī, the Clinical Physician (Ar-Rāzī aṭ-ṭabīb al-Iklīnīkī)’, al-MaŠriq 56 (1962) 217–282; updated English translation in Pormann (ed.), Islamic Medical and Scientific Tradition, Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies, 4 vols (Routledge: London, 2010), i. 207–53; Peter E. Pormann, ‘Medical Methodology and Hospital Practice: The Case of Tenth-century Baghdad’, in In the Age of al-Farabi: Arabic Philosophy in the 4th/10th Century, edited by Peter Adamson, Warburg Institute Colloquia 12 (London: Warburg Institute, 2008), 95–118, reprinted in Islamic Medical and Scientific Tradition, edited by P. E. Pormann, Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies, 4 vols (Routledge: London, 2010), i. 179–206.

⁷³This important text has been edited twice, although both editions contain a significant number of wrong readings. They are that by Mahdī Muhaqqiq (Tehran: Maəhad al-dirāsāt al-əIslāmīya, Ǧāmiəat Tihrān and Al-Maəhad al-əālī al-əālamī li-l-fikr wa-l-hadāra al-əIslāmīya, 1993); and that by Mustafā Labīb əAbd al-Ġanī, Kitāb aš-Šukuk li-r-Rāzī əalā kalām fādil al-əatibbāə Ǧālīnus fī al-kutub allatī nusibat əilayhi (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub wa-al-Waətāəiq al-Qawmīya, al-əIdāra al-Markazīya li-l-Marākiz al-əIlmīya, Markaz Tahqīq al-Turāət, 2005).

⁷⁴The following sketch is based on the much more ample discussion in Pauline Koetschet, ‘La mélancolie chez al-Rāzī, entre médecine et philosophie’, thèse de doctorat, troisième cycle (Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2011); Ph.D. thesis (University of Warwick, 2011), pp. 210–18, and 249–62. The thesis is available at http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/. I would like to thank her for allowing me to quote some of her many interesting results here.

⁷⁵Ar-Rāzī, Doubts about Galen, ed. al-Ġanī (note 73), 105–7.

⁷⁶Ar-Rāzī, Doubts about Galen, ed. al-Ġanī (note 73), 130.

⁷⁷Galen, On Simple Drugs, book v, chapter 2, pp. 709–13.

⁷⁸Ar-Rāzī, Doubts about Galen, ed. al-Ġanī (note 73), 142–3.

⁷⁹Al-Bīrunī, Kitāb as-saydana fī t-tibb (On Materia Medica), ed. əA. Zaryāb (Tehran, 1991), p. 12, lines 10–15; previously edited by Max Meyerhof, ‘Das Vorwort zur Drogenkunde des Be¯runī’, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin 3 (1933), 157–205 and 18 pages of Arabic text, on p. 12, lines 5–10 of the Arabic text.

⁸⁰See Peter E. Pormann, ‘Yuhannā ibn Sarābiyun: Further Studies into the Transmission of his Works’, Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14 (2004), 233–62; and Peter E. Pormann, ‘Ibn Sarābiyun: tabīb əalā muftaraq turuq al-hadārāt bayna š-šarq wa-ġarb (Ibn Serapion: A Physician at the Crossroads of Cultures between East and West)’, al-Mašriq 82 (2008), 343–59.

⁸¹On the title page of this manuscript (fol. 1a), it is called ‘the third part’ of Ibn Sarābiyun's Small Compendium (in Hebrew).

⁸⁴Here, the Latin translation differs somewhat: ‘Cognitio ergo de ordinibus medicinarum est et uirtute ministrandarum in medicationibus aegritudinum unusquisquo [sic] sit quando stat super membrum.’

⁸²See also Peter E. Pormann, Oriental Tradition (note 49), pp. 20–46, showing that in his gynaecological chapters of book five, Ibn Sarābiyun largely draws on Paul of Aegina without any acknowledgment.

⁸³Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 19891 fonds général, fol. 57a–b; Leiden, Universiteitsbiblioteek, MS 2817 (Cod. or. 2070), fol. 3a, line 10–fol, 3b, line 3 from the bottom.

⁸⁷A ritl, from Greek lítra, has the approximate value of a pound as a dry measure, and of a pint as a liquid measure; see Manfred Ullmann, Die Medizin im Islam, Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten. Ergänzungsband 6.1 (Leiden: Brill, 1970), 318.

⁸⁸A miətqāl, corresponding to Greek dráchme¯, has the approximate value of 4.5 gr; see M. Ullmann (note 87), 317.

⁸⁹Perhaps a variety of date?

⁹⁰A wood similar to aloeswood, but not identical with it.

⁹¹See M. Ullmann (note 17), I, , 576b34–577a13.

⁸⁵Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 19891 fonds général, fol. 96a–b; Leiden, Universiteitsbiblioteek, MS 2817 (Cod. or. 2070), fol. 91b, line 4 from the bottom–fol. 92b, line 1.

⁸⁶Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 19891 fonds général, fol. 98a; Leiden, Universiteitsbiblioteek, MS 2817 (Cod. or. 2070), fol. 95b, line 2– fol. 96a, line 8; the Arabic text has been edited in P. E. Pormann (note 80), on pp. 354–5; the variant readings have been omitted here.

⁹²BBC 4 documentary ‘Science and Islam’, part one ‘The language of science’.

⁹³See Anna Ayşe Akasoy and Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim, ‘Along The Musk Routes: Exchanges Between Tibet and The Islamic World’, Asian Medicine 3 (2007), 217–40.

⁹⁴See Dietrich (note 12), I, 9.

⁹⁹A dirham, from Greek dráchme¯, has the approximate value of 3.1 gr.

⁹⁵For al-Kaskarī's life, see Peter E. Pormann, ‘Theory and Practice in the Early Hospitals in Baghdad: al-Kaškarī On Rabies and Melancholy’, Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften 15 (2003), 197–248.

⁹⁶See Peter E. Pormann, ‘Al-Kaskarī (10th cent.) and the Quotations of Classical Authors: A Philological Study’, in: Sulla tradizione indiretta dei testi medici greci: Atti del II Seminario Internazionale di Siena Certosa di Pontignano, 19–20 Septembre 2008, edited by Ivan Garofalo, Alessandro Lami and Amneris Roselli, biblioteca di «Galenos» 2 (Pisa, Rome: F. Serra, 2009), 107–139.

⁹⁷P. E. Pormann (note 72).

⁹⁸p. 222 ed. Šīrī.

¹⁰⁰See Efraim Lev, Zohar Amar, Practical Materia Medica of the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean according to the Cairo Genizah, Sir Henry Wellcome Asian Series 7 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 218–21.

¹⁰¹See Laurence M.V. Totelin, ‘Mithradates’ Antidote – A Pharmacological Ghost’, Early Science and Medicine 9 (2004), 1–19.

¹⁰²For the relationship between the culinary and the medical arts, see Waines, David (1999), ‘Dietetics in Medieval Arabic Culture’, Medical History 43, 228–40; reprinted in reprinted in: Pormann (ed.), Islamic Medical and Scientific Tradition, Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies, 4 vols (Routledge: London, 2010), ii. 99–115.

¹⁰³Sylvain Gouguenheim, Aristote au mont Saint-Michel: Les racines grecques de l'Europe chrétienne (Aristotle at Mont Saint-Michel: The Greek Roots of Christian Europe) (Paris: Seuil, 2008).

¹⁰⁴See the collective volume Les Grecs, les Arabes et nous: Enquête sur l'islamophobie savante, ed. Irène Rosier-Catach, Alain de Libera, Marwan Rashed, Philippe Büttgen (Paris: Fayard, 2009).

¹⁰⁵See now, H. M. Paavilainen (note 54); and Leigh Chipman, The World of Pharmacy and Pharmacists in Mamluk Cairo Sir Henry Wellcome Asian Series 8 (Leiden: Brill, 2009).