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Essay Review

Cultures of Dissection and Anatomies of Generation

Pages 439-444 | Published online: 12 Jun 2008
 

Notes

1Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, The Pope's Body, Translated from the Italian original: Il corpo di papa, 1994 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).

2See for instance Josef Pauser, ‘Sektion als Strafe?’, in N. Stefenelli, editor, Körper ohne Leben. Begegnung und Umgang mit Toten (Wien: Böhlau, 1998), 527–35.

3Katherine Park, ‘The Criminal and the Saintly Body: Autopsy and Dissection in Renaissance Italy’, Renaissance Quarterly 47 (1994) 1–33; ‘The Life of the Corpse: Division and Dissection in Late Medieval Europe’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 50 (1995), 111–132.

4Forthcoming as Tatjana Buklijas, ‘Cultures of Death and Politics of Corpse Supply: Anatomy in Vienna, 1848–1914’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 82 (2008). See also Sonia Horn, ‘Sektion und Obduktion in Ländern ohne erforderliche Zustimmung Hinterbliebener—Unterschiede des Umgangen mit Toten. Versuch einer historischen Annäherung am Beispiel Wien’, in Stefenelli (note 2), 596–603 and idem, ‘Vom Leichenöffnen. Beobachtungen zum Umgang mit pathologischen und anatomischen Sektionen in Wien vor 1800’, Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift, 116 (2004), 792–803.

5Ruth Richardson, Death, Dissection and the Destitute, 2nd edition with a new foreword (London: Phoenix Press, 2001); Michael Sappol, Anatomy and Embodied Social Identity in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002); Helen Macdonald, Human Remains: Dissection and its Histories (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).

6Richardson (note 5), 35.

7Peter Linebaugh, ‘The Tyburn Riot against the Surgeons’, pp. 65–118, in D. Hay, et al., editors, Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England (London: Allen Lane, 1975).

8See the references in note 5, as well as Elisabeth Hurren, ‘A Pauper Dead-House: the Expansion of the Cambridge Anatomical Teaching School under the late Victorian Poor Law, 1870–1914’, Medical History, 48 (2004), 69–94.

9Karen Stukenbrock, “Der zerstückte Cörper: zur Sozialgeschichte der anatomischen Sektionen in der frühen Neuzeit (1650–1800) (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2001).

10On the Paris’ attraction for its incomparable dissection opportunities, see Toby Gelfand, ‘The “Paris Manner” of Dissection: Student Anatomical Dissection in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 46 (1972), 99–130; John Harley Warner, Against the Spirit of System: The French Impulse in Nineteenth-Century American Medicine (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998).

11Park relates that, in 1464 or 1465 the University of Pavia went so far as to ask the Duke of Milan to change the sentence of a woman condemned to burn at the stake, so that she might be dissected (p. 123).

12Judith Walzer Leavitt, Brought to Bed: Childbearing in America, 1750–1950 (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986).

13See for instance a rather different interpretation in Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomical Renaissance: The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1997), 124–30. Cunningham argues that the main message of the picture—revealed in the gesture of Vesalius’ left hand—is that ‘personal experience of dissection of the human body, reveals God to us’.

14Park notes that Vesalius also recommended himself more explicitly in the text, and obviously successfully as he was appointed to the imperial service in 1543 (p. 239).

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