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Abstract
This paper addresses questions seeking to clarify the nature of personal networking between modern Japan’s wealthy economic elite and the Japanese nobility. In particular, to explore whether the social connections between the wealthy and the nobility led to changes in behaviour and formation of social ties, the marriages between the wealthy economic elite and the Japanese aristocracy, will be the focus of this study. The general overview, the motives, causes and effects of marriage alliances will be explored. And the examination of the cases of aristocratic elite who entered into business through the choice of entrepreneurial occupation will be presented.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 Disclosure of data on higher income taxpayers was officially approved on the early stage of introduction of income tax. See, for example, Kizokuin Shotokuzei-ho Kaisei Horitsuan Tokubetsu Iinkai Sokkiroku Dai 3go, 1899 (online access through Teikoku Gikai Keigiroku Kensaku Sisutemu: https://teikokugikai-i.ndl.go.jp).
2 Some published references regularly collected data on income tax in Japan, although the data were mainly limited to several urbanized prefectures. See for example, Kōjunsha, Citation1915).
3 For details of frequent tax reform, in particular income tax, see, Ōkurashō, Citation1937, pp. 1000–1150.
4 The details is on Ōkurashō (Citation1937, pp. 1126–1150).
5 Some of the remaining official data on income tax after the 1920s confirm the reliability of wealth estimates in published materials. See for example, Ōsaka Zeimu Kantokukyoku (Citation1924).
6 According to the official document outlining the granting of orders and merits introduced by Ōwada Sōhichi in 1916, an individual on the ‘Shisanka Hyō’ list, his wealth was estimated as being ‘between 1 million 200 thousand and 1 million 300 thousand yen’. This closely coincides with his data on the ‘Shisanka Hyō’ list, which estimates his wealth to be ‘about 1 million 250 thousand yen’. See, ‘Jitsugyō Kōrōsha Shirabe: Ōwada Sōhichi ni Ranju Hōshō Kashi no Ken’, in Kōbun Zassan Taisho 5nen Kan 4: Naikaku4 Shōkunkyoku2, National Archive: Tokyo, Japan: March 10, 1916, 2A-14-1349-3.
7 For example, according to the Jiji-Shinpōsha’s list, the wealth of the Sumitomo Family, one of the notable zaibatsu families, was estimated at 70 million yen in 1916. However, according to data from the Sumitomo Company, the business assets of the Sumitomo family in 1916 totaled 50 million yen (Yamamoto, 2010, pp.246-247, 252-253).
8 However, there is only one case in this category.
9 For example, Nomura Tokuhichi, the founder of Nomura securities, found his wife through the assistance of his father’s business partner. Tokuhichi’s wife, Kikuko, was a friend of the daughter of the business partner, and the daughter’s network was utilized in arranging the marriage (Nomura Tokuan Denki Hensan Iinkai, Citation1951, p. 184).
10 For example, the Mitsui families, whose center of family business moved to Tokyo in the Meiji period, maintained a strong marriage connection with merchants in Kyoto, the families’ old business center, Osaka and with Matsuzaka, their place of origin (Yasuoka, Citation1979, pp. 115–116.
11 In this case, landlords engaged in the urban property business could be distinguished from agricultural landlords since their income structures were very different.
12 This date was chosen based on a number of factors, including social and economic changes that would have influenced the marriage patterns of the wealthy economic elite.
13 The Japanese government officially approved marriage between nobility and commoners in 1871. See, ‘Kazoku Heimin tagai ni Kon’in o yurusu’ in Dajō Ruiten Dai 2hen Dai 330gō, 23rd August 1871, Dai-00553100-001, National Archive of Japan.
14 See the case of Itō Chūbei, the owner of one of influential trading company, and one the sample of the dataset (Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, Citation1957, pp. 106–108).
15 See, Sawada (Citation2001, pp. 55–65). The author of this autobiography, Miki Sawada, was the eldest daughter of Baron Hisaya Iwasaki, 3rd head of the Mitsubishi Zaibatsu.
16 There was some testimony which interpreted own first marriage as ‘a child play’ (Yasuoka, Citation1979, p. 112).
17 In particular, the Mitsui families played a significant role in forming the close circle within this small group through marriage alliances. Several cases of the Mitsui families can be found in the official documents, as well as information on the investigation of family members. For instance, see, ‘Ko Ju Yon-I Kun San-Tō Danshaku Kōnoike Zen’emon Tsuishō no Ken’, in Joi Saikasho: Showa 6nen Kan7, National Archive: Tokyo, Japan: March 19, 1931, 2A-16-1058-22.
18 For instance, Kaneko Kentarō, whose sister, Yoshi, was the spouse of Dan Takuma (late Baron), became a legal specialist after the Meiji Restoration, and was several times a cabinet member. He was also granted a title of nobility. See, ‘Dan Takuma’ in Jushaku Shōshaku Shibai Shorui Kan1: July 30, 1928, National Archive: Tokyo, Japan, 2A-40-1221-5.
19 Among the prime ministers of modern Japan, Taka’aki Katō, and Kijūro Shidehara, had marriage connection with Iwasaki since spouse of both were daughter of Yatarō Iwasaki, the founder of Mitsubishi (Sakura, Citation2013, pp. 61–63; Tokugawa, Citation1955, pp. 44–46).
20 For example, in the case of Sumitomo family, when the health condition of Tomoito worsened, a plan was made to nominate the spouse of the eldest daughter as the next interim heir of Sumitomo, since Tomoito’s son was still young and the families could not afford to wait for his coming-of-age (Yamamoto, Citation1998, pp. 29, 86, and 109).
21 Some testimonies also indicate the importance of raising social status through the eldest son’s marriage, for example, the case of the marriage of Shibusawa Atsuji, the eldest son of Shibusawa Eiichi, the great business promoter (Hozumi, Citation1989, p. 302).
22 Some testimony suggests that the eldest daughter had higher status according to the Japanese household system, so that strong pressure came from her mother and grandmother to choose the right partner (in this case, son of nobility) who considered to match own status within the family (Sawada, Citation2001, p. 55).
23 In the case of the Mitsui families, their family rules, Mitsui Kaken, decreed that obtaining the permission of the committee of family heads (Dōzokukai) was necessary for all marriages of family members. See articles 39–42 of Mitsui Kaken published on Mitsui Bunko (Citation1974, pp. 344–359).
24 Such kaken, or kakun can also be found in the case of the Shibusawa families, who were ennobled businessmen, and the Yasuda families, who controlled one of the big four zaibatsu in modern Japan, but who did not receive any aristocratic title (Shibusawa Seien Kinen Zaidan Ryumonsha, Citation1968; Yasuda Fudōsan, Citation1974, pp. 114–120).
25 However, even in the European cases, it is still debatable how far the pattern of gentlemanly activities of businessmen can be interpreted as an indicator of aristocratization. For example, see, Thompson (1999, pp. 27–44).
26 For an example of a newspaper article, see Ōsaka Mainichi Shinbun, ‘Narikin ni Nerawareta Okugesan no Himegimi’. October 14, 1916.
27 Income disparity between the former feudal lord, and the former court aristocracy groups had continuously increased throughout this period. See, ‘Kazoku Shotokuzeigaku Shirabe’, 1934, 2A-36-1221-52.
28 See Kaplan (Citation1983, p. 264). Augustine insists that Kaplan’s assumption cannot apply to the cases of rich German businessmen (Augustine, Citation1994, pp. 63–79).
29 See the case of the Mitsui family, which systematically provided continuous financial support for the aristocratic spouse of their daughter (Mitsui Hachiro’uemon Takamine Den Hensan Iinkai, Citation1988, p. 419).
30 See, Nakamikado Kōshakuke, Takatsukasa Danshakuke Endan Chōsasho, Kita 1530-1 and 2, Mitsui Archive. Detailed financial and economic reports can be found from this document.
31 Maedake Kankei Shorui, Kita 1160 1-3, Mitsui Archive. The annual report on school exam result of Motoko, a daughter of Count Toshitaka Maeda and later the spouse of Baron Takamine Mitsui, the head of Mitsui Zaibatsu, can be found from this compiled document.
32 In addition, it should be noted that Sanetō, the eldest son of Kintō, was a member of the executive board of his father-in-law’s company.
33 Including the father-in-law of the eldest son, all were among the sample of those whose estimated wealth was over 1 million yen as listed in Jiji Shinposha’s list in 1915.
34 This eldest daughter, Hiro, later forced to conduct highly politically motivated marriage, since she married into Prince Pujie, younger brother of the former Qing (and then Manchukuo) emperor, Puyi (Aishinkakura, Citation1992, pp. 16–50).
35 Prejudice or antagonism toward the wealthy business or commercial elite plausibly influenced the marriage alliance for noble families. See for instance, Lebra (Citation1993, p. 206).
36 In 1885, the government issued the authorized decree for the nobility (Kazoku-Rei), which determined the personal duties for them. In article 10 of this decree, it was determined that ‘one’s own offspring receiving higher education is the obligation for the nobility’. This was further facilitated by the issue of another rule, Kazoku Shugaku Kisoku (The Rule for the Nobility’s school attendance), in 1887, which codified the detail of conditions (including penalties for dropping out) for education. See, ‘Kazoku-Rei Seitei no Ken’, Kōbun Betsuroku Dai 1kan: Meiji 15nen ∼ Meiji 25nen, National Archive: Tokyo, Japan: April 5, 1885, 000-111-00-008; and ‘Kazoku Shugaku Kisoku o Sadamu’, Kōbun Ruiju Dai 8hen Meiji 17nen Dai 42kan, National Archive: Tokyo, Japan: December 20, 1885, 002-071-00-002.