The game/s that men play: Male bonding in the Swedish business elite 1890–1960

Abstract

During the first half of the twentieth century, the industrial success of Sweden opened up for an exclusive lifestyle among the business elite. Drawing on how a hunting club constructed and reproduced male fantasies, the article deals with male bonding in relation to generation change. By examining the sources such as correspondence and notes from a hunting society dominated by businessmen, the article highlights male performance of gender in a historical context. The article argues that male bonding can result in inequalities among different generations of men, since tension might occur if the homosocial space is based on hierarchies.

Keywords:

• Male bonding
• homosociality
• gender
• masculinity

Introduction

As a country in Northern Scandinavia, Sweden is well known for its heavy industry, consisting of iron, steel, mining, and engineering. During the first half of the twentieth century, the country was especially successful due to technological advances. Historically, the men behind these innovative industries dominated the Swedish top management. Belonging to the business elite, many corporate leaders socialised with their male colleagues after work (Göransson, 2004; Holgersson, 2013; Joseph, 2019; Linehan & Scullion, 2008; Mansdominans i förändring om ledningsgrupper och styrelser,2003, p. 16). These types of activities often took place at clubs. Just like today’s corporate managers, male bonding offered career opportunities as well as privileges (Bird, 1996; Connell & Wood, 2005, p. 348; Hamrén, 2007; Holgersson, 2013; Joseph, 2019; Knights & Tullberg, 2014; Lindqvist, 1996; Marceau, 1989; Milne-Smith, 2009, pp. 86–92; Sedgwick, 1985; Vaynman et al., 2020; Weibel-Orlando, 2008, pp. 160–163). According to research, male bonding often concerns close homosocial connections between men.¹ Male bonding can be described as ‘an institutionalized learned behaviour’ (Stoltenberg, 1974/2004, p. 42). However, male bonding in the business elite has often been neglected and its effects on shaping gender in business remains an unexplored area.²

This article deals with male performance of gender in a historical context. More specifically, the article examines male bonding among the Swedish business elite in relation to generation change. Understanding inequalities among different generations of men is crucial to illustrate how homosocial spaces can create jargons that tend to include and exclude. Consequently, male bonding can articulate power as well as competition and control. Furthermore, the article examines the complexity of a gender-making process in which male bonding is almost like a ritual, in order to become a resource for men in the business sphere. By showing how men in the Swedish business elite could construct and reproduce gender within a context of a homosocial setting like the hunt, this article contributes to the growing field of gender in business history. What happened when men in different ages interacted? How can we understand a generation change on a contextual level in terms of performance of gender?

This empirical case study concerns a private club called the King Black Grouse Hunting Society in which male members were called black orrtupp and women were referred to as höna. According to the corporate manager Sten E. Holgersson the club could be described as a club for the ‘elite’, since it was populated by men from the Swedish industrial class from 1890–1960.³ The members spent their leisure time hunting for small game such as rabbits, foxes and deer. Ultimately, the hunting arena is gendered, where practices and norms are often associated with men (Smalley, 2005). The Swedish case offers unique sources which give an insight into male performance of gender from a historical perspective. Using a biographical approach is fruitful, because it has the potential to follow different generations of men who got involved in the club.⁴

Theoretically, the article understands male bonding as a form of fraternity, in which gender relations are shaped through homosociality. By looking at homosociality, the term can be used to explain how men favour other men, but also how women are involved in order to strengthen ties between men (Bird, 1996; Crowhurst & Eldridge, 2020, pp. 174–176; Holgersson, 2013; Joseph, 2019; Sedgwick, 1985, p. 2). The concept ‘homosociality’ was first introduced by Jean Lipman-Blumen and describes a specific relationship between individuals of the same sex. Since then, many studies have analysed homosociality as a way of performing hegemonic masculinity. However, the literature has also discussed it as an emotional desire. Recent research in the theoretical field argues that homosociality can be expressed in various places such as military organisations or dating sites (Vaynman et al., 2020, p. 1237). Examining homosociality certainly gives an insight into a wider picture of macho jargons. Male bonding can vary from girl hunting to sporting activities (Vaynman et al., 2020, p. 1237). As Lipman-Blumen suggests, men often identify with men in order to seek approval of each other (Lipman-Blumen, 1976, pp. 16–17). Men prefer socialising with other men with high status.⁵ Overall, homosociality often appears in linguistic forms, for instance using degrading sexual words or insults. However, homosocial desire can also be developed, although it is often combined with an underlying panic since there is a thin line between it and homosexual desire (Hammarén & Johansson, 2014; Sedgwick, 1985).

To be invited to the inner circle of the King orrtupp Hunting Society one had to get a recommendation, as well as being able to shoot. According to the club manual, membership was lifelong. Speaking of the members, one always had to refer to each other as a ‘black grouse’ or a ‘black orrtupp’. [i.e. male grouse] The hunting club recruited men from various industries, but the vast majority of the members were top corporate managers from successful companies such as SKF, Uddeholm, Grängesbergsbolaget and Asea.⁶ The members usually met for the hunt in the Swedish countryside. The club closed down in the 1960s, mainly because the last president of the club, J. Sigfrid Edström passed away in 1964. The metamorphosis from corporate manager to black orrtupp in the club suggests a changing of identity. The mystical link to the black grouse bird remained an important part of their roleplay in order to shape stereotypical male behaviour. As Joan Acker has put it, gender involves the bodies at various levels in order to explore identities (Acker, 2004, p. 20). Meanwhile, gender is referring to structures beyond the biological sex. Gender is understood as a part of a social process in which distribution of power and certain practices maintain gender inequality. According to Joan Acker gender can be defined as ‘inequalities, divisions, and differences socially constructed around assumed distinctions between female and male’ (Acker, 2004, p. 20).

The rest of the article is structured into two sections. The first section presents the biographical approach as well as the empirical sources. Male bonding from a theoretical and empirical point of view is discussed, especially in terms of how it involved roleplay. In particular, the hunting area served as a perfect display for boyish manners. The second section moves on to examine the generation change in the hunting club. Recruiting younger men was a life saviour for the club but it also brought tension to the male bonding. Additionally, the gender making of being a male member cannot be fully understood without explaining the interaction with women. The article concludes by relating the empirical results from the Swedish case to the general features of male bonding.

The biographical approach

The article adopts a biographical approach in order to understand the individuals within the club. Biographical methods can be conceived in different ways. However, the method is often linked to life history writing, life narrative or oral history. In line with research, the biographical approach is not merely concentrated on the ‘self’, but involves an understanding of historical events as well as society changes. This method involves an interpretative process. To study the lives of individuals in the past has potential since it contributes to the historical context (Barton & Hall, 2000; Elder et al., 2003; Magnússon, 2016, pp. 50–51; Popp, 2012). The biographical approach is useful in identifying the members, their background and social connections as well as life experiences. By gathering data on each member and his wife, the study contributes to the understanding of how gender is constructed and reproduced. Furthermore, I have analysed, compared and questioned the sources. However, using a biographical approach often requires a variety of sources. As a method it is time-consuming and forces knowledge of the individuals on a broader level (Acker, 2004; Connell, 2010). However, we cannot directly ask the past if we want to fill in some gaps. In this specific case, all members are dead. Still, the sources give us access to the members’ personal written stories both as a character of the club and as professional managers. The biographical data helps us for example to complete the picture – while tracing the members who had access to land, and who did not. Another example concerns the family background of the member; for instance, if a member was related to any other member in the club. The unique empirical data consists of the hunting society’s own books and notes, as well as correspondence between the members. The club’s books contain information about the hunting trips as well as stories written by the members. At first glance, the stories seem larger than life, since they often describe the hunt in dramatic terms. These stories can be understood as a part of the narrative of the ‘great man’ or the ‘great leader’. By carefully interpreting the jargon of the club it is possible to see the potential of these flamboyant stories since they often bring an understanding of the producers of these texts. Homosociality is often presented in sexual talk or jokes (Vaynman et al., 2020, p. 1237). I have used quotes from the members, letters and texts to exemplify with their own words. While avoiding cherry-picking empirical data, this focus addresses situations in which masculine bonding is visible. The sources give us plenty of information about how the members reflected upon themselves. For instance, most of the older men were not afraid of using their emotions in letters (Popp, 2012). The biographical approach helps to examine the multiplicity of masculinities. For instance, the age factor was important since the hunting club included different generations. The tension between old and young men trying to bond in the club might be seen as an underlying conflict.

Furthermore, some sources have been collected from two different archives in Sweden. The first one is the hunting club archive, which is located in Kolsva at Hedströmsdalsarkivet. It was the corporate manager Gunnar Nordström, who set up the archive in the 1950s and it is available for researchers. The second archive belongs to the Swedish industrialist J. Sigfrid Edström. Permission is required to enter that archive (Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland; J.S. Edströms arkiv, Riksarkivet). Both archives contain plenty of volumes of board meeting protocols, private correspondence, poems, and notes concerning the club. Using the richness of the sources helps to identify the interaction between men in the club.

Another important feature of the biographical approach is the historical contextualisation. According to Joan Acker, most gender studies focus entirely on women, since men’s practices are seen as gender neutral (Acker, 2004, p. 20). Gender is especially useful in recognising the activities within the club. Since the club produced their own books, the biographical approach brings new insights into the culture and the time it was written. Mapping lives and linkages are of importance to understand how relations were established and perpetuated. Sources show how the presidents Gustaf Abraham Granström and J. Sigfrid Edström interacted with fellow members. Yet sources of the past cannot always answer all of our questions. Why did these industrialists enjoy themselves in this sort of club? Was it because of business opportunities, or was the motive simply leisure? Above all the male members did not speak about gender directly, however they did get involved in situations in which gender was manifested.

While examining the male bonding it is obvious that the members tried to uphold male privileges. Each member of the hunting society belonged to a grade in the club. They could advance within the club; however, a new member was introduced as ‘skvader’, a fantasy animal with the head of a hare and the body of a capercaillie.⁷ By acknowledging the ways of communication in the club, it is crucial to examine the process of doing gender. The research field concerning men and masculinities has grown on a broader scale in the past decades. For instance, many noticeable works have been produced by scholars in the field such as Raewyn Connell, Jeff Hearn, Michael Kimmel, Eric Anderson and more (Anderson, 2009; Connell & Wood, 2005, p. 348; Hearn, 2015; Kimmel, 1987). As Anderson argues, there are ‘multiple masculinities’ rather than one hegemonic masculinity (Anderson, 2009). He suggests that we need to value masculinity from a generation perspective. According to Anderson, young men tend to represent a somewhat softer and more tolerant masculinity. Drawing on the argument of ‘multiple masculinities’ does not mean that dominating masculinities do not exist. This merely confirm the complexity of gender making and its practices, which is transformative and in constant change. In this article, I refer to the idea that masculinity is not a fixed category. In this particular hunting club, masculinity was expressed with the help of the rituals as well as the hunting. Becoming one of the ‘boys’ required an adjustment to the heterosexual male norms. Taking part in the hunt was not necessarily based on biological sex – significantly age, social status and capital also shaped the position of the individual (Anderson, 2009)

To become a black orrtupp

In Sweden, many corporate managers joined various male dominated clubs in their leisure time (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen och anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-årsjubileum 1915 af “Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915), p. 6). Most fraternities are considered women-free zones with focus on values concerning morals, charities or self-control (Kaplan & Yanay, 2006). However, it was unusual with a fraternity like the King Black Grouse Hunting Society, in which members identified with a bird, mimicking its behaviour.⁸ In the forest, the black grouse is known for its red crest and black feathers. The bird resembles the capercaillie, however, the latter is much larger. The black grouse is well-known for its lyre-shaped tail. During the ‘lekking’ season in spring the grouse breed. The male raises its tail feathers and makes a loud bubbling sound, while the female (hen) has a cackling sound (Laurie, 2012). However, the businessmen of the hunting club pretended to behave like the birds whenever they joined the club meetings. The female counterparts were called ‘hens’ or ‘höna’ (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen och anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-årsjubileum 1915 af “Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915).) Consequently, the members used words and idioms associated with the bird. Symbolically, they spoke of their ‘nest’ instead of their home and their ‘feathers’ instead of their body and so on. Quite opposite to the board room, men in the club could behave in a frivolous manner not suitable at a strict board meeting. In contrast to a fraternity such as the Freemasons, they did not strive for a high moral tone. According to a member, they celebrated ‘freedom from the conventional straitjacket’ (Kung Orres Jaktklubb, del II, Kung Orre, sammanfattade för åren 1915–1929). Looking into the sources, the empirical data suggests how the men used this black grouse fantasy to shape the gender relations. Firstly, the bird represented a form of masculine escape, as a way of forgetting family life and domestic duties. Pretending to be a bird collectively, the men formed their own homosocial space with their own concepts, adding symbols such as the weapons, hunting dogs and alcohol. They wanted freedom from their old self, testing new experiences. Creating a homosocial space for the hunt made it easier to legitimise the macho jargon, spending quality time with a ‘brother’ (Joseph, 2019). Secondly, becoming a orrtup allowed for exploration of a new masculine identity in which they indulged in new habits. J. Sigfrid Edström admitted that meetings were too relaxed: ‘[…] we drink uncontrollably, we are served as though we were old patriarchs, we eat careless of calories’ sic. […]’.⁹

Additionally, the birds illustrate the gender division between men and women. Since the male birds strived to get the female bird’s attention, the men in the club tried to do the same. In the forest, males usually fought in front of the hens, using their flamboyant posture at the traditional leks. Just like the wives of the corporate managers were supposed to take care of the children at home, the female hen quietly protected the eggs in the nest. Belonging to the business elite, men in this particular group, strived to enter the ‘lekking’ and marry women who were subordinated to this breadwinner/housewife ideal. Ultimately, this system was based on an unequal division between men and women, since men often worked outside the household and most corporate wives were expected to stay at home (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2016, pp. 532–535). Obviously, men benefitted from women being subordinated, since the gender division could preserve conservatism to maintain a stable gender order (Hashemi, 2020, p. 125).

All members had a nickname, for example Nils Wikander was called The Running Nisse and Sigfrid Edström was ‘the President’.¹⁰ Symbolically, they used nicknames instead of their real names which suggests a form of roleplay. Homosocial friendships are often expressed in terms of ‘shared idioms, nicknames and curses’ (Kaplan & Yanay, 2006, p. 131). The internationally famous Swedish bankman Marcus Wallenberg attended meetings under the name ‘The Crocodile’, since he enjoyed drowsing at the bank (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2010, p. 55). Moreover, the president of the society was for a long time J. Sigfrid Edström. Being a well-known Swedish industrialist and the fourth President of the International Olympic Committee, Edström was also CEO of Asea (today ABB) during the years 1903–1933 and president of the board 1934–1949. In the business sphere, J. Sigfrid Edström was involved in many organisations and corporate boards.¹¹

Many members used the hunting club as a platform for involvement in each other’s company boards. As soon as a corporate manager got involved in the sphere surrounding the corporation ASEA he got an invitation by Sigfrid Edström. The recruitment process to the club required not only an interest in the hunt, but also a general standing in the business world. Selecting a new member was a strategy to keep the club alive, by including younger members, suitable for male bonding. Choosing a longtime friend from the university days or a relative made it easier to legitimate the rituals.¹² Accepting the homosocial codes was crucial to undergo the mystical transformation of becoming a black orrtupp during the membership ritual called ‘koribba’, a fictive word created by the club members. Being introduced as a new member required undergoing a fearful ceremony aimed to terrify the newcomer. Accepting rough manners fulfilled the idea of the strong man, empowered like the black orrtupp. Significantly, the masculine self in the club can be understood as a result of the homosocial interaction (Kaplan & Yanay, 2006; Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland). To undergo a fully transformation to the highest rank as a black grouse required an acceptance of the male practices. Especially, members who were linked by being a relative rarely questioned the idea of the macho jargon. Words about passion and seduction were often used to explain their friendship. Ultimately, the club cherished the trust between men. The former president Gustaf Abraham Granström recruited his son Carl Gustaf Granström as well as his brother Evald Granström and his son Ove Granström, who all became members in the club. Former president Karl Nordlund involved his son Einar Nordlund.¹³ The same-sex recruitments also meant that men were preferred who reminded them of themselves which is essential in homosocial relations. J. Sigfrid Edström had plenty of long-time connections all around Sweden, which was beneficial in order to maintain the macho culture within the club (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2010, pp. 236–237).

Another way to be recruited to the club was to have assets of woodlands, which suggests that men with capital and high status were highly wanted. John Karlsson, Mayor of the city of Västerås was favoured since he had woodlands which made the members eager to explore new rural areas. Of course, this meant access to different prey as well as an opportunity to travel within Sweden. According to the sources, the exploration of different sites in Sweden was a way of expanding the club territories. However, the club excluded members who abused the rules or withdrew from the club activities (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen och anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-årsjubileum 1915 af “Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915), p. 110–111). Einar Glimstedt who performed legal work for the internationally known Swedish Ball Bearing Factory (SKF) was eager to join the club. Glimstedt gained a lot of contacts within the hunting club and later became the vice-corporate manager of SKF. Clearly, male bonding was an important feature in order to gain reputation in the business world.

For the love of a brother

The desire to create a relation to another man can be manifested in several ways. Reading the club texts with a gendered lens suggests that the members of the hunting club valued the love of a brother, but they always reminded themselves of their capability to seduce women. To demonstrate heterosexuality was important since there was a risk of homosocial desire. The industrialist and former president of the club Gustaf Abraham Granström was being described as a man who enjoyed ‘amour’ because he attracted all sorts of women. Speaking of sexuality, the male members enjoyed being described as womanisers, who loved to flirt. According to a poem, a member jokingly claimed that Granström was attracting the wives of the members with his overall charisma. By telling stories about supposed flirtation and admiration, the goal was to keep up the jargon. A member wrote that Granström made the greyhens feeling ‘dizzy and weak’, because of his appearance.¹⁴ The first president of the club Karl Nordlund was portrayed as a womaniser: ‘And if he see at 11 o clock a widow or a maid, you know that Kalle starts to make out’ (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-års jubileum 1915 af “Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915), p. 26). It is obvious that the homosociality in the club had to remain stable since it was a way of transmitting power between men. Showing virility, some old men were called ‘Don Juans’, referring to their sexual power. Some poems dedicated to a member also involved descriptions of their male bodies. Examining homosociality, attraction can be physical in male relations. In this case hugging, holding hands or caressing were important ingredients (Bird, 1996; Kaplan & Yanay, 2006; Vaynman et al., 2020). Some photographs are showing these emotions in action, for instance a male member is caressing the President. Another photo shows a member touching another member’s bottom (Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland). This suggests that the homosocial space required body contact, however, it was not allowed to cross any border. Playing the role of the black orrtupp offered close interaction with men, while bragging about sexual conquests as a part of the heterosexual norm. Attraction to a brother could be expressed, but it required a mix of homophobia to stabilise. Drawing from research, intimacy and sexual references among men can be transmitted by stories and jokes that have a sexual content. In line with research, the narrative in such stories can motivate and trigger men to engage in harassments (Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland; Vaynman et al., 2020).

When the last president J. Sigfrid Edström got a special edition of a book with the memories of the King Black Grouse Hunting Society, the sealed book was immediately sexualised. When the former President Gustaf Abraham Granström handed over the book to Sigfrid Edström, he suggested that opening the book was like entering the hymen of the vagina belonging to a virgin.¹⁵ Reading the club books certainly brings associations of misogyny. This empirical example demonstrates that the sexualised macho culture could be expressed in a brutal way. In terms of sexuality, it was important to prove that the men were heterosexual men with needs. Typically, the jokes about virginity were used as a way to emphasise the male bonding. On the other hand, this empirical example shows that women, who rarely were present at these times, were reduced to the role of distant sexual objects. In general, women were described as erotic excitements or as domestic hens. This states that the objectification and sexualization of women were an important part of establishing the homosocial ties. According to Michael Flood men can shape relations with other men through their fantasies involving women. Male friendship can be explored by discussing sexual attitudes and norms between men. However, as Flood argues, male bonding also involves to a certain extent homophobia (Flood, 2008, p. 355). Additionally, homosocial bonds often involves practices where women are being assaulted or harassed. The ‘hunt’ for women is a part of men’s amusement (Flood, 2008; Quinn, 2002, p. 386). Apparently, it became even more important to praise heterosexuality and their passion for women. Since homosociality concerns same-sex friendship, it was crucial not to develop intimacy in a sexual way (Lipman-Blumen, 1976; Vaynman et al., 2020).

Clearly, male bonding required social skills, in which certain jokes, drinking habits and competitive behaviour became significant traits. Another feature of homosociality is the typical connection to raw humour (Thurnell-Read, 2012). As Crowhurst and Eldridge argue in an article, jokes are often a part of creating homosocial bonds. The way of teasing, mocking and making fun of each other is central as well as manifesting normative heterosexual masculinity (Crowhurst & Eldridge, 2020, pp. 174–176). In the King Black Grouse Hunting Society, the boyish culture allowed them to behave badly, swear, fart in front of each other or swim nude.¹⁶ On the other hand, this type of body intimacy made them fully aware of each other’s biological sex. According to Flood, ‘sex with women is a direct medium of male bonding’ (Flood, 2008).

Belonging to the industrial sector in Sweden, these men represented the latest technology in the capitalistic era. There was a certain need of controlling others in a ruthless way which focussed on the private life. In a woman-free zone, it was possible to express other sides of their masculine identity. While hunting, the men talked about ‘wild beasts’ as well as making up stories about a blood thirsty hunt after prey. Drinking alcohol while hunting, they even shot a cat instead of a wild animal.¹⁷ Clearly, the hunting society created their own homosocial space, which was separated from the obligations in business.

Old and young grouse

When examining a club dominated by men, age is an important variable to consider (Anderson, 2009; Bartholomaeus & Tarrant, 2016, pp. 351–369). The male bonding can also be challenged by new generations of men. For instance, the young members of the King Black Grouse Hunting Society did not always enjoy the uncensored jokes which they regarded as old-fashioned and rude. Some old men enjoyed getting dressed up in pyjamas while hunting. Another example concerns a member who served chocolate to another member, even if it consisted of elk stools.¹⁸ Furthermore, a member of the club used to be teased because of his internal ‘itching hemorrhoids’ (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1915–1929 till klubbens 40-årsjubileum 1930 av “Den Gemene,” andra delen (Stockholm 1930), p. 27). Turning to the rituals, the hunting club celebrated their friendship by writing poems and verses before a meeting. Some corporate managers tried to escape the rules of the hunting society since they lacked time and effort. In the late 1940s, when many members had become much older it was even more difficult to recruit younger members.¹⁹ Many of the old industrialists had already retired and some of them did not have the same social status as they had in their younger days. The Swedish society had also changed after the second world war, when the Social Democrats political party had a huge success with their ideas of creating a welfare system for the working class in Sweden. The idea of a welfare system also affected the business sphere, in which most businessmen were conservative. The president Sigfrid Edström worried about the modernisation of the society. In letters, he feared that the working class could afford visiting the cinema or even go on a summer vacation. He believed the working class got too much freedom in this new political climate.²⁰ Overall, the professionalisation of managerial work had changed since corporate leaders had started to gain more education. The attitudes towards bourgeois manners and ideals were also in constant transformation. During the 1950s, the typical corporate manager in the Swedish business elite did not have the same amount of leisure time as the corporate managers had before them (Lindqvist, 1996).

Men in their 40s were supposed to subordinate to the older men who were way above 70. According to the old men in the club, the young men did not have the ambition to enjoy life as it used to be. Ironically, in 1915 they already had started a process to recruit younger men to the club. However, it proved difficult since it was only possible to enter the King Black Grouse Hunting Society if one got a recommendation. The Corporate manager, Uno Forsberg, who joined the club, at the age of 49, was called ‘orrynglet’, in English ‘the Grouse-fry’, suggesting he was ‘almost new-born’.²¹ Middle-aged men who entered the club were being called ‘chickens’ because of their ‘immatureness’.²² By displaying a masculinity based on a hierarchy, the young men could be ridiculed because of their age. The chosen words suggest that the young men should know their place, by being degraded to weakness. To be silenced in the club even if the member was a corporate manager in top position suggests that the construction of masculinity involved a strategy to control and manipulate younger men into obeying the rituals. However, most men tried to avoid showing vulnerabilities since they did not want to be exposed as fragile or feminine. In general, this is a common strategy among men, instead of turning to a friend for comfort. This suggests that age was far more important than the professional identity (Hashemi, 2020, p. 135).

Marcus Wallenberg was 36 years old in 1935 when he became a member. Claiming that young men were ‘shy’, ‘weak’, or ‘careful’ led to tensions. In 1934, the corporate manager Martin Waldenström was informed that being a youngster, he had to be educated by older men.²³ One must not forget that the male bonding in the club included bullying and teasing as a part of their jargon. The hierarchy was depending on the age of the member. Reading this from a gender perspective suggests that the hierarchy of masculinities legitimated inequality. Obviously, the age as well as marital status could shape the gender relations between men. For example, unmarried men were being ridiculed for being impotent or not sufficiently masculine (Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen och anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-årsjubileum af “Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915), p. 109). In the 1950s and in the 1960s, it is fair to say that the young generation of corporate managers did not show the same excitement as the older ones. They had a different agenda when it concerned male bonding. The old men identified themselves with the orrtupp referring to a masculine identity, different from the managerial masculinity. The young men enjoyed hunting, but did not always find the rituals meaningful. According to a disappointed member the young men had discovered new hobbies during the 1960s. The old member, Robert Norrby complained about the young men, claiming that they only loved watching Swedish television, which had become the latest fashion.²⁴ However, a middle-aged manager claimed that it was the work duties of the modern industrialist that had changed. The workload was heavier and required full focus on the managerial work. He added that the attitude towards leisure time had changed in the Swedish society. Perhaps it was also a matter of an ongoing generation change. It was no longer important to pretend to be an orrtupp as a way of gaining freedom in a homosocial setting. Of course, men in the Swedish business elite did not stop hunting or bonding after work. It was merely different forms of male bonding that attracted the younger generation. It did not require a roleplay, yet it was not the end of homosociality either, it was simply taking new forms. Consequently, the generation change can be an explanation of why some women slowly began entering the club, making their appearance more visible.

‘Women should be mourned – men should be remembered’²⁵

Men can be provoked if women enter into their informal homosocial sphere. Moreover, women can be regarded as a threat to the male companionship (Acker, 2004; Holgersson, 2013; Knights & Tullberg, 2014; Thurnell-Read, 2012; Vaynman et al., 2020). In the King Black Grouse Hunting Society, women could attend some dinners, but rarely join the hunt. When women were brought in to the club their presence was legitimated as a part of the gendered roleplay. The President wrote to each male member: ‘Hope you can come with or without a greyhen’ while inviting them to dinner (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2010). A typical corporate wife was expected to support and show compassion whenever the husband wanted her help (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2016). Stereotypically, the man often stood in the limelight as the hero of the business, while his wife was rarely recognised. Scholars have argued that the gender structures have excluded women from the business sphere (Heinonen & Vainio-Korhonen, 2018; Holgersson, 2013; Knights & Tullberg, 2014; Vaynman et al., 2020). As research has pointed out, the corporate wives are either not seen at all, or they are seen as an obstacle for the business (Heinonen & Vainio-Korhonen, 2018; Martinez Jimenez, 2009, pp. 53–59).

Female hunters have often been regarded as marginal in the history of hunting. Women who hunted could be depicted as ‘freaks of nature’ (Bye, 2003, pp. 145–153; Smalley, 2005, p. 184). In the King Black Grouse Hunting Society, women slowly started to shift position while entering the male dominated sphere. The first woman to join the hunting club without any membership was Sigrun Weslien in 1932 who was married to the industrialist John Weslien. Sigrun’s involvement at the hunt was compared to her work performance in the household. Between the lines, the men argued that she was able to understand their sense of humour. Nevertheless, the sources do not reveal if she wanted to become a member or not.²⁶

According to texts written by members, women in general did not appreciate their sense of humour nor their drinking habits. While staying up late partying and telling hunting stories, many male members enjoyed the freedom.²⁷ Because of the complaints, some members wanted to limit women’s access to the hunting expeditions.²⁸ However, to satisfy the wives, the King Black Grouse Hunting Society decided to give the ‘höna’ a couple of valuable vases made of crystal glass with the internationally famous Swedish Orrefors glasswork design.²⁹ Obviously, the male bonding always took place at leisure time, when wives might have been wanting to spend quality time with their husbands. Eventually, the female presence continued to construct a masculinity, inspired by boyish attitudes. The wives were used as a tool to complete the picture of the male bonding orrtupp. To understand female presence, we must understand the gendered patterns. Furthermore, some daughters and wives who were related to the members of the hunting society attended a few dinners. Marriage links can also be traced to the club. Gustaf Abraham Granströms foster child Lisa eventually married the member and industrialist Nils Wikander. The Corporate manager Nils Hedberg married the first president Karl Nordlund’s daughter (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2010). At one moment the wives of corporate managers Malm and Nauckhoff attended a secret ceremony, despite that some male members tried to stop them.³⁰ This is interesting since the fraternities often promised a women-free zone. However, accepting some presence of women actually activated the homosocial interaction between the men.

Comparing different sources suggests that the involvement of women was complex. The young women seemed to have had other strategies to handle the male bonding than the older women. One way to challenge the men was either to play along or to disregard the club rules. The only female member of the King Black Grouse Hunting Society was Marianne Wallenberg, had long was married to the bank manager Marcus Wallenberg. The banking family Wallenberg have been playing an important role in the business history of Sweden. Marianne was born into the Swedish aristocracy and divorced after being married to a member of the Royal family. She married Marcus Wallenberg in 1936, when she was middle aged (Olsson, 2000, pp. 134–137). Being married to one of the wealthiest men in Sweden gave her a position in the business elite. Marianne enjoyed hunting and was invited to several hunting expeditions. Her nickname in the club was a male version of Marcus, since she was called ‘Marcusinnan’. In the beginning, she was only called ‘The wife of the Crocodile’ referring to her husband’s nickname in the club. Unfortunately, the sources do not give us enough information about Marianne’s motive for joining the club. In 1937 she was dubbed ‘sister’, claiming she was ‘equal’ with her ‘brothers’. In 1942, she was leading the hunt at Hörningsholm.³¹ The members of the hunting club described her as a smart, good looking and tolerant woman. Apparently, she reminded them of the hunting goddess Diana whose goodness they were depending on. A member warned the other male members for flirting with Marianne since they could ‘lose’ credits in the bank called Stockholms Enskilda Bank, which was controlled by the Wallenberg family. Moreover, Marianne did not mind the attention from the men. She wrote to the members of King Black Grouse Hunting Society: ‘To live the life to the fullest – one must do, work, eat, joke, fight, seduce’.³² Obviously, the interaction between the members continued to be seen as some sort of role play. Marianne Wallenberg did not mind being the only woman. Einar Améen who was a corporate manager at Surahammars bruk, claimed she had made the club much brighter and happier with her presence.³³ This empirical evidence suggests that the members often used words of flirtation, while speaking about Marianne and her impact in the club (Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet i Kolsva, Arkiv Västmanland). In contrast to the male members, she became immediately a sexual symbol for the members. Once again, as we have seen before, women were associated with sexuality and played an important part in the order to maintain normative masculinity.

However, Marianne Wallenberg was not satisfied of being reduced to a sexualised object in the group of men. She arranged a dinner for the male members and served black grouse on the dinner table. From a gender perspective it is interesting to study how the male members got upset, while she was serving them black grouse for dinner. Ironically, the men identified themselves with the black grouse bird, yet Marianne Wallenberg wanted to invite them to eat meat from their own ‘soul mate’. Literally, the black grouse bird was a part of the masculine identity, since the men were supposed to cherish the male bird. It is likely that this manoeuvre was regarded as a challenge for the men. Basically, the birds manifested their masculinity and symbolically this could be mistaken for a cannibalistic act since the men identified with the birds. Being served the meat of that specific bird was quite a challenge according to the members, making it a castration of their own masculinity in a broad sense. Marianne did not want to tell the President of the club how she had managed to kill the black grouse or where she had found it.³⁴ By not adjusting to the rituals of the group Marianne could make her own strategies in dealing with the men. She was not formally a member of the King Black Grouse Hunting Society until 1956. Clearly, her membership was claimed at a time when the club was declining. According to the sources her inclusion was a result of the ‘love’ that the members felt for her.³⁵ After Marianne Wallenberg, no more women entered the club as well as no new men. This suggests that female membership was only open for women when fewer men showed interest in the hunting society.

As I wrote before, in the 1950s some of the old members did not have enough strength to hunt. To recruit young male managers proved to be difficult. Marianne Wallenberg got the opportunity in her life, when no middle-aged men were available. However, she did not show any interest in keeping the club alive so she turned down the offer when Sigfrid Edström wanted her to become the new president and replace him. Firstly, the survival of male bonding fraternities is based on the fact that you must recruit younger men in order to preserve the traditions. Secondly, young men needed to adapt to the rituals and continue to cherish the ideas of the male oriented group; otherwise, the club was doomed to dissolve. In this case, the Sigfrid Edström tried to convince Marianne Wallenberg to lead the male members into the future. Does this mean that he accepted her as a female leader of a male dominated club, regardless of her gender? Or was he merely desperate to save the club for the future? From the sources we will never know. We only know he was eager to preserve the club. The male bonding activities among the Swedish business elite continued, but in other forms. It was merely the club and its rituals that were in a need of a change.

Conclusions

This article presented new insights into the gendered area of the Swedish business elite during the first half of the twentieth century.³⁶ More specifically, the article pays attention to the male performance of gender in a private club called the King Black Grouse Hunting Society. A biographical approach helped to structure and thematize the individual lives of the members. Using a unique set of sources, it was possible to closely follow the male bonding in relation to generation change. Historically, male bonding has been important for men in executive positions who wants to build social capital and get more influence in the business sphere. Theoretically speaking, the link between masculinity and homosociality is interesting. Using Eric Anderson’s concept ‘multiple masculinities’ rather than hegemonic masculinities, suggests that we need to investigate differences among men. In this article, especially the age differences between the members seem to have influenced their attitudes towards the existence of the club. The interaction between men was also depending on the hierarchical relations in which age differences created some tensions. The generation gap was not merely a result of a changed Swedish society affected by the Social democratic welfare state and a new agenda for professional managers. It was also a result of a generation change, in which old men of the business elite tended to defend their traditions and privileges. The generation represented by younger men in the club did not find the role play amusing. The older men wanted to discipline the younger ones by controlling them, holding them back with the help of a hierarchy. Additionally, calling them chickens or referring to their weakness suggested that young men should obey the older ones until they were mature enough to enter a new level in the club hierarchy. This suggests that the variable gender and age must be carefully examined in its historical context, nuancing the view of male bonding.

The aim of the club was to enjoy themselves as well as continually meet for hunting trips. Moreover, the club was important to strengthen the ties between the corporate managers who belonged to the business elite. Theoretically speaking, in a homosocial setting, it was probably more important to strengthen the ties between men, while developing a common attitude towards women as sexual objects. Jokes below the belt and boyish pranks were a part of creating the club culture. The empirical example of a sealed book being described as the hymen of the vagina suggests that dirty jokes were a trademark of the club. To harass and sexualise women was a way to reinforce the ties between men. There is empirical evidence that the only possibility for women to get involved in this private hunting club was by being either married or related to a man who was a member in the private club. Becoming a part of the male fantasy, women could choose to either adapt to the role of the greyhens or setting their own agenda. According to the sources, women were allowed to become members in the club only at a time when it became impossible to recruit new men. Obviously, some men found it challenging to have a female presence in the club. The only female member Marianne Wallenberg tried to change the male dominating club. Especially notable is her serving a black grouse bird at the dinner table, stating that the male members for once should follow her rules.

To summarise, the article wants to contribute to the field of business history with a gender perspective since a historical context of male bonding in business is often lacking. By applying a gender perspective, we might learn more about how corporate managers in the past spent time constructing and reproducing masculinity. It also gives us tools to understand how men interact and how macho codes can be developed as well as challenged. Furthermore, we need to keep on raising new questions concerning gender and business. The historical context plays an important part in order to understand how the male norm has formed and dominated the business world for centuries. Moreover, this article contributes to the research field with its empirically unique sources, which have been useful in showing some traces of how male bonding survive from generation to generation. Old and young men of the business elite often represented different agendas. By highlighting the interaction between men, the article illustrated how male bonding was useful not only for after work activities, but also gave them the opportunity to challenge their male identity, while pretending to be orrtupp playing in the forest. By switching identities, and behaving like birds they could for a moment escape the professional identity as a corporate manager. This also suggests that more research is needed to understand how recruiting patterns and generation changes affect after work activities.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Therese Nordlund Edvinsson

Therese Nordlund Edvinsson is an associate professor of economic history at Uppsala University, Sweden. Her main research concern gender in business.

Notes

1 Male bonding is often described as close friendships between men. See Rogers (1988, p. 169), Collinson and Hearn (1996), Linehan (2001); Linehan and Scullion (2008); Nordlund Edvinsson (2010), Joseph (2019), Sedgwick (1985), Milne-Smith (2009, pp. 86–96), Vaynman et al. (2020).

2 Gender is useful to study in business history. See Perriton (2017), Collinson and Hearn (1996), Knights and Tullberg (2014); Joseph (2019); Marceau (1989), Linehan (2001); Linehan and Scullion (2008).

3 Nordlund Edvinsson (2010). In Swedish, the club was called Kung Orres Jaktklubb.

4 Einarsdottir, Rafnsdottir, Sigurdardottir, Thor Torfason, ‘Networks, Homogeneity and Gender in Icelandic Business Elites’.

5 Einarsdottir, Rafnsdottir, Sigurdardottir, Thor Torfason, ‘Networks, Homogeneity and Gender in Icelandic Business Elites’, p. 1–2.

6 Some of these corporations represented the heavy industry in Sweden, especially sectors as mining, electricity, chemicals, steel, pulp and paper.

7 Medelpads Fornminnesförening: Hantverks- och Sjöfartsmuséet på Norra Stadsberget (20.7.2008).

8 It was of importance to describe the behaviors of the members similar to the black grouse bird. They often talked about how they played in the forest.

9 Prisse 8.10.1956, Kung Orres Jaklubb 1950-, D8, volym 84, JSE arkiv, RA.

10 Protokoll medlemsförteckning, korrespondens, poem, telegram 1926–1960, Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland.

11 Diary entry 2.6.1945, diary no 28, volume 424, Edströms dagböcker 1944-1945, JSE arkiv, RA.

12 Some of the members were longtime friends, which dated back to school and university days. Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen och anteckningar sammanfattade till klubbens 25-årsjubileum 1915 af ”Den Gemene” (Stockholm 1915).

13 Protokoll medlemsförteckning, korrespondens, poem, telegram 1926–1960, Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland.

14 Gäsjö-Ejes tal 19.9.1953. Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1944–1956 by Löpar Nisse, femte delen, (1957), s. 261.

15 Klubbens firande av sin 40 åriga tillvaro vid Länna jakten 1930, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller, sammanfattade för åren 1930–1935 ”av Den Gemene,” tredje delen, Stockholm 1936, p. 54.

16 Kung Orres Jaktklubb 1926–1941, D8, volym 83, JSE arkiv, RA.

17 Ibid.

18 Krutlurkens version av Långbansjakten 3–4 oktober 1942, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller sammanfattade för åren 1937–1943 av Löpar Nisse, fjärde delen (Västerås 1944), p. 252.

19 Kung Orres Jaktklubb: dikter, sånger, pressklipp m.m. signum 1, volym 2. Tillägg till Sigfrid Edström, RA.

20 Letter from J.S. Edström to G. Söderlund 20.10.1943. Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen, Edströms korrespondens rör. SAF 1936–44, A14e, volym 35, JSE arkiv, RA; Letter from J.S. Edström to G. Söderlund 3.10.1943. Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen, Edströms korrespondens rör. SAF 1936-44, A14e, volym 35, JSE arkiv, RA.

21 Hönö-jakten 1931, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1930–1935 av ”Den Gemene”, tredje delen (Stockholm 1936), p. 81.

22 Orrleken vid Stridberg den 13–15 september 1925, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1915–1929 till klubbens 40-årsjubileum 1930 av ”Den Gemene”, andra delen (Stockholm 1930), p. 199.

23 Hagge jakten i september 1934, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1930–1935 av ”Den Gemene”, tredje delen (Stockholm 1936), p. 198.

24 Letter from R. Norrby to J.S. Edström 15.12.1963, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: dikter, sånger, pressklipp m.m. signum 1, volume 2. Tillägg till Sigfrid Edström, RA.

25 Gyttorpfärden 12.10.1941, signed by Spelorren. Kung Orres Jaktklubb 1926–1941, D8, volym 83, JSE arkiv, RA.

26 Jakten vid Långbanshyttan 1932, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: Minnen, anteckningar och protokoller, sammanfattade för åren 1930–1935 av ”Den Gemene”, tredje delen, (Stockholm 1936), p. 122.

27 Kung Orres Jaktklubb 1926–1941, D8, volume 83, JSE archives, RA.

28 In 1928 the wives of Klemming and von Bülow joined the meeting in Uddeholm. Nordlund Edvinsson, Broderskap i näringslivet, p. 138.

29 Gyttorp-Stribergs jakten 1936, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: Minnen, anteckningar och protokoller, sammanfattade för åren 1930–1935 av ”Den Gemene”, tredje delen, (Stockholm 1936), p. 300.

30 Ibid, p. 292.

31 Jakten vid Hörningsholm, Mörkö 12–13 December 1942; En sann historia om jakten vid Mörkö”, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: Minnen, anteckningar och protokoller sammanfattade för åren 1937-1943 av Löpar Nisse, fjärde delen (Västerås 1944), p. 258.

32 Vers skriven av Marcusinnan, Vårmiddag hos Presidenten, Strandvägen 49, 4.5.1954, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1944–1956 av Löpar Nisse, femte delen (Ystad 1957), p. 273.

33 Letter from E. Améen to J. Sigfrid Edström, undated, Kung Orres Jaktklubb: minnen, anteckningar och protokoller: sammanfattade för åren 1944–1956 av Löpar Nisse, femte delen (Ystad 1957).

34 Till medlemmarna i Kung Orres Jaktklubb 5.4.1955, av Prisse aka. Sigfrid Edström, Vidbynäs 4.4.1955, Kung Orres Jaktklubb 1950-D8, volym 84, JSE arkiv, RA.

35 Protokoll ang. jakten på Kolswa den 4–6 oktober 1957, Mapp, Protokoll, medlemsförteckning, korrespondens, poem, telegram 1926–1960, Kung Orres Jaktklubb, volym 4, Hedströmsdalsarkivet, Arkiv Västmanland.