Transnational pioneers: Swedish-American returnee migrants and the shaping of the late 19th-century Swedish beauty salons

Abstract

This article explores how self-employed migrant women, particularly Swedish Americans in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, established beauty salons in Stockholm upon their return from the United States. It highlights their often overlooked contributions to cross-border business and their skillful application of international business experience to the beauty industry. Using a microhistorical approach and qualitative sources, the study sheds light on the opportunities and challenges these women faced as they reshaped the Swedish beauty market. Influenced by their American experiences, they introduced innovative beauty treatments and products. This article highlights the dynamic nature of transnational entrepreneurship and its enduring impact on local and global economies, illustrating the transformative narrative these women initiated in Stockholm. Their efforts introduced international aesthetics and hygienic treatments to the city’s salons, appealing to a diverse clientele and showcasing the lasting appeal of such transnational enterprises.

Keywords:

• Female migrants
• Swedish American
• entrepreneurship
• beauty industry
• transnational entrepreneurship

Introduction

In the mid-nineteenth century, the United States underwent rapid industrialisation, leading to a surge in demand for labour. As the land of opportunity, many migrants were attracted to the United States by economic and social factors, as well as the prospect of better living conditions and wages. There is an extensive literature describing the economic impact of transatlantic migration (Dribe et al., 2023; Eltis, 1983; Hatton & Ward, 2019; Keeling, 2006). However, the historical narrative of transatlantic migration has neglected the experiences of returning female migrants, particularly those who have engaged in transnational entrepreneurship across borders (Azmat, 2013; Biltekin, 2021; Blanck & Hjorthén, 2021; Dheer, 2018; Dribe et al., 2023; Haandrikman & Webster, 2020; Heilbrunn et al., 2019; Willnath, 2018). This article aims to examine the entrepreneurial endeavours of Swedish-American women who participated in cross-border business ventures and later returned to Sweden to establish businesses in the capital city, Stockholm. The central focus is on understanding how these women utilised their expertise acquired in the United States to introduce beauty treatments and products within the Swedish market. More specifically, the article examines the experiences of women who returned to Sweden after migrating to America and engaged in transnational business ventures. The article addresses the following questions: How did female migrants in the beauty industry find opportunities to establish salons during the late nineteenth century, and what strategies allowed them to navigate transnational business environments when returning to their home countries? In what ways did Swedish American women leverage their international work in the beauty salon to gain a competitive advantage in the market?

Mass immigration resulted in ∼1.3 million Swedes crossing the Atlantic from the mid-nineteenth century to the early 1920s. Many of these migrants were young people between the ages of 17 and 35, and about 450,000 to 500,000 of them were women (Biltekin, 2021; Dribe et al., 2023; Emigrationsutredningen, 1907–1913). Studies suggest that only a limited number of Swedish-born women in the United States chose to return to their country of origin (Biltekin, 2021; Blanck & Hjorthén, 2021; Dribe et al., 2023). To carry out this study, it is important to define the term migrant. A migrant often refers to an individual who has undertaken a decision to relocate from one country to another, a choice that may not align with their country of origin or nationality. The terminology used to describe this phenomenon varies, with common phrases, such as ‘foreigners’ or ‘people on the move’ often being used to define the concept (Dheer, 2018, p. 557). In contrast, a sojourner is a person who is temporarily in a place with no intention of establishing permanent residence. Conversely, a migrant typically moves with the intention of changing residence, whether temporarily or permanently. The study of return migration is a fundamental component within the study of migration. A returnee migrant is typically an individual who lives abroad for a period and then returns to his or her home country to start a business (Drori et al., 2009). Previous research has highlighted that certain migrants in the US choose to return to their home countries after spending a considerable number of years there, with the intention of accumulating financial resources and various forms of capital. In addition, migrants choose to return to their country of origin when economic conditions improve, opening up new opportunities for employment or entrepreneurial endeavours (Borjas & Bratsberg, 1996).

Theoretically, the article delves into the realm of transnational entrepreneurship, a concept defined as the performance of entrepreneurial activities in a cross-national context, initiated by individuals firmly rooted in at least two different social and economic spheres (Drori et al., 2009). This suggests a focus on individuals trying to maintain a link between their new destination and their old country of origin. Portes et al. (2002) suggested that transnational entrepreneurs are mostly: ‘self-employed immigrants who need to travel abroad’ to maintain their business activities (Portes et al., 2002). According to research, transnational entrepreneurs engage in business activities in two or more countries, which distinguishes them from immigrant entrepreneurs (Schiller et al., 1995). What distinguishes them from other entrepreneurs is their ability to mobilise resources across multiple countries in cross-border initiatives (Berghoff, 2020). When transnational entrepreneurs achieve economic success, they can also serve as catalysts for others to emulate their approach (Portes et al., 2002). Research has mainly focused on male transnational entrepreneurs, as these entrepreneurs frequently cross-national borders to oversee both economic and social linkages. By turning attention to women and their cross-border mobility, the focus is on understanding whether migrant women have emerged as a valuable resource, proactively exploring and seising opportunities in an international framework (Portes et al., 2002). According to research, a significant proportion of migrant entrepreneurs in the twentieth century were classified as ‘necessity entrepreneurs’, who primarily established small businesses in ethnically targeted sectors (Borjas, 1986). Significantly, migrants often brought considerable skills to the forefront and used their practical experience to start businesses (Dheer, 2018, p. 556). For the female migrants who established beauty salons, it was about being constantly creative and competitive, but also launching new treatments and services to succeed (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017). According to Schumpeter, entrepreneurship basically stood for renewal and ‘the joy of creating, of getting things done’ (Schumpeter, 2004, p. 93). Overall, migrant women’s entrepreneurship has been overlooked, primarily due to the prevailing norm of men in the business realm (Clark, 2020; Craig, 2016; Willnath, 2018). Furthermore, female migrants have often focused on service industries, including healthcare, cosmetics, and fashion, and their business ventures have often been smaller in scale (Harrison et al., 2020). These gendered structures not only limit opportunities for female migrants but also sustain and exacerbate gender inequalities within the entrepreneurial field.

The article provides a definition of a beauty salon as a commercial establishment that offers a range of services aimed at enhancing an individual’s physical appearance. It plays an important role within the broader beauty industry (Davenport, 2017; Jones, 2010). Throughout history, these services have included treatments, such as manicures, pedicures, facial massages, and skin care procedures including hair removal (Davenport, 2017; Jones, 2010; Walker, 2009). The beauty salon frequently served as a dedicated ‘women’s space’, and within marginalised communities, like those led by black entrepreneurs, it symbolised a source of empowerment and liberty for female business owners (Clark, 2020; Davenport, 2017; Gill, 2004, p. 585; Walker, 2009).

The article is structured as follows. The first section deals with methodology and sources. In the next section, the article takes a closer look at the possibility of training in America before starting a beauty salon in Sweden. The second section examines how the Swedish American identity can be used as an asset while promoting the salon. This section provides insight into using the American identity to introduce treatments, services, or products to the Swedish market. Finally, the third section presents the conclusions.

Methodological reflections and historical data

The article employs a micro-historical approach to study individuals who established beauty salons in Sweden, drawing on the qualitative empirical data methodology introduced in the 1960s (Ginzburg et al., 1993). As an approach, microhistory emphasises a small-scale analysis of individual experiences to gain insight into larger historical structures. In this case, the approach focuses on specific individuals in detail, by using personal narratives and small-scale sources. By identifying a group of women, such as Swedish Americans, who were active in establishing beauty salons, I have collected a wide range of sources. Swedish Americans are defined as people living in the USA whose ancestry can be traced back to Sweden. While not necessarily born in the United States, a considerable number of women who migrated from Sweden chose to remain in the United States, establishing long-term residences and pursuing work opportunities (Wallengren, 2014, p. 8). However, before 1922, women were not allowed to apply for US citizenship on their own and could only acquire American citizenship through marriage. During the late nineteenth century, most Swedes moved to the Midwest, such as Minnesota and Illinois, where the geography was similar to that of their old homeland. Chicago was considered ‘Sweden’s second largest city’ in 1920 due to the large number of Swedish-born residents (Biltekin, 2021; Blanck & Hjorthén, 2021; Lindström, 1992).

However, there was a diversification in the regional distribution of Swedish immigrants, with a significant increase in the number of Swedes settling in the New York area and the Pacific Division, including California and Washington (Rooth & Scott, 2012). Among Swedish-born women, domestic service was a common occupation in the United States, while Swedish-born men generally found employment in the construction industry, factories, or various crafts (Biltekin, 2021; Lindström, 1992; Lintelman, 1991).

This article uses a subsample of six Swedish American women drawn from a sample of 73 salon owners who operated beauty salons in Stockholm from 1890 to 1910. These 73 individuals were born within the span of 1834–1888. The larger sample includes women who actively advertised their beauty businesses in the capital’s newspaper press during 1890–1910. With a specific focus on transnational entrepreneurship, the subsample consists of six notable individuals with connections to America: Annie Pettersson (b. 1869), Anna Holmberg (b. 1854), Annie Landén (b. 1877), Hilma Tillson (b. 1856), Mathilda Wihr (b. 1874), and Gudiva von Sotta (b. 1870). The motivation for selecting these women lies in their migration to America, where they acquired business skills. However, researching women who ran small businesses during this period is a complex challenge, with available sources sometimes offering limited insights. The study of female returnees is particularly challenging. Their names may have changed, making it difficult to track their records. For instance, Mathilda Wihr’s records present inconsistencies, including different birth years, changes in name, and potential migrations to France and from Brussels to America. She is not to be found in ArkivDigital emigrant database even though she migrated according to other data. However, she is found in another emigrant database from 1940. Perhaps, at times, she also travelled under different names since she later modified her name to Neysa. She might also have migrated from other countries as well. She was also involved in several fields. For instance, she titled herself as an artist and worked for a period as an actress (Affischen 21.11.1891). Initially born in 1874, her records were later altered, indicating her birth year as 1886 in the American sources. When Wihr passed away, her age was inaccurately documented as 68 years. In reality, she was 80 years old at the time of her passing.¹

The imperfections in source material must be acknowledged, recognising that expecting a perfect dataset is unrealistic for this era. It would mean foregoing the exploration of women’s migration and mobility. The total sample includes information about other Swedish Americans. For instance, individuals like Gerda Juhlin (b.1876) and Ellen Pedro Pettersson (b.1873) migrated without returning to Sweden.² Information about individual persons has sometimes been insufficient for in-depth studies. However, the total sample of 73 salon owners provides a background context. It includes data on their decade of birth, place of birth, and marital status. In a few cases, data are missing concerning birth. I also used material related to advertisements and articles, as they contain information about the beauty salon industry as a whole.³ To provide a comprehensive overview of the entire sample, Table 1 summarises the key characteristics of the sample and sub-sample. More information about the six individuals is included (decade of birth, place of birth, marital status, first migration to the USA, and father’s occupation).

Table 1. Some characteristics of the sample and sub-sample of women analysed in this study.

	Sample of 73 women	Sub-sample of 6 women
Born, decade	1830s 2%, 1840s 11%, 1850s 14%, 1860s 27%, 1870s 31%, 1880s 16%*	1850s 33%, 1860s 17%, 1870s 50%
Birth, location	Stockholm county 39%, rest of Sweden 52%, outside Sweden 9%*	Stockholm county 50%, rest of Sweden 50%
Civil status	At least 60% married*	50% married, 50% unmarried
1st migration to USA, decade	Not relevant	1870s 17%, 1880s 50%, 1900s 17%, 1910s 17%
Father’s occupation	Not enough information	Trader 33%, worker 33%, civil servant 33%

Source: ArkivDigital, Ancestry.com; Newspapers https://www.newspapers.com/; Svenska Dagstidningar https://tidningar.kb.se/; Folkräkningar, Riksarkivet.

* For some persons, there is no data.

It should be noted, however, that the scarcity of official records documenting beauty salon owners in Sweden adds a complex dimension to the historical context (Handelsregister 1896–1901, volym C4AAb:4, Stockholms stadsarkiv). Many salon owners chose not to register their businesses even if they were expected to do so. The only indication that their business existed is that they advertised their services in the press and other registers.⁴ In the advertisements, it could be revealed if the business was new, although this was not always the case. The decision to abstain from advertising could be attributed to various factors, such as a lack of capital (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017).

The lack of data makes it difficult to determine the exact year in which they started their businesses. Some salon owners may have temporarily suspended their business only to resume it a month later.⁵ This hiatus could be due to various circumstances, such as travelling, working in other locations, or spending time abroad. The informal nature of these businesses also raises questions about the broader context. Why were these businesses often kept hidden? What does this reveal about social attitudes towards beauty and personal care at the time? This informality may have been due to various reasons, such as the social perceptions of beauty treatments at the time or the desire to maintain a low profile in society. A compelling factor may have been that clients actively sought discreet services, leading salon owners to adopt an informal approach as a means of preserving their clients’ privacy. Additionally, social perceptions of beauty and personal care might have carried a stigma, with some viewing these matters as frivolous. Operating discreetly may have been a deliberate tactic to sidestep societal judgement and keep a low profile. Furthermore, salon owners often took a mobile approach, visiting clients at their homes and bringing along basic, easy-to-carry items like nail files and ointments (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017).

While acknowledging that the sample may be inadequate to draw statistical conclusions, the extensive qualitative data available allows for a thorough exploration of women entrepreneurs of the past. Analysing these six women provides a deeper understanding of how women entrepreneurs not only contributed to historical change but also adapted to it. This approach offers a detailed and nuanced understanding of their experiences and the impact of their transnational endeavour. Notably, these individuals, except for Gudiva von Sotta, resided and conducted their entrepreneurial activities in the New York area, adding a dimension to their transnational experiences and highlighting the significance of their contributions within the broader context of beauty salon entrepreneurship. Since there are no diaries or letters about the women who operated beauty salons, micro historical techniques allow us to use various historical data, such as census records, newspaper articles, and advertisements, to reconstruct the lives of these entrepreneurs (Brewer, 2010). The microhistory approach can also provide insight into the gendered power dynamics that shaped their lives and businesses. This involves an analysis of biographical materials and personal narratives, as well as a broader examination of the historical context of the time in which they lived (Brewer, 2010; Craig, 2016).

This article is based on several sources. First, by locating these individuals in America, it is possible to identify and understand whether they settled in the country. The sources are gathered from Swedish census records and emigrant passenger records, which are archived in the ArkivDigital database. I have also searched for information in the business registers and the city calendars of Stockholm, which contain information about businesses and merchants (Stockholms Adresskalender 1895–1920; Handelsregister 1896–1901, volym C4AAb:4, Stockholms stadsarkiv). In addition, Kvinnors yrkesregister contains data on female business owners in Stockholm in the early 1900s and sheds light on who advertised their businesses in these registers (Wiman, 1906). Secondly, the Swedish church records and census data, provide an insight into the lives of these women and their families. Databases from ArkivDigital were used, as well as American census data from sources in databases, such as Ancestry and MyHeritage. Thirdly, advertisements are crucial in providing information. I have used the newspaper database from the Royal Library in Stockholm concerning Swedish newspapers and magazines. Additionally, I have gathered information from American newspapers and magazines accessible through the Newspapers.com database provided by Ancestry.⁶

The microhistorical method is also linked to textual analysis, a systematic method for analysing historical data to identify significant themes and patterns. The combination of close reading and microhistory is useful because close reading involves examining the structure of a text in detail to understand its meaning. By using textual analysis to study these sources, one can gain insight into the values of the time, as well as the ways in which women were represented and perceived in the press (Brewer, 2010). The combined use of microhistory and textual analysis provides us with the essential tools necessary to understand the complex narrative woven into the life experiences of Swedish American women during the late nineteenth century.

Importing expertise—the development of beauty salons in Sweden

To gain a comprehensive understanding of the strategies employed by female migrants upon their return home, it’s crucial to emphasise how they have integrated international influences. Additionally, it is important to understand how these returning migrants have adapted and localised global beauty trends to cater to the specific preferences and demands of the Swedish market, contributing significantly to the sector’s dynamic evolution.

Historically, women’s opportunities in business in Sweden were limited due to traditional gender segregation and regulations. Many women suffered from a lack of access to capital, and limited education (Du Rietz, 2013; Holmquist & Sundin, 2002). In 1864, the freedom of trade reform was probably the greatest significance for entrepreneurship, since it became legally possible for women to become entrepreneurs in Sweden. It is worth noting that women had previously been involved in small-scale businesses, had often been granted permission to operate in non-competitive fields or had taken over a business upon the death of a husband (Du Rietz, 2013). In 1884, unmarried women reached the legal age of majority at the age of 21, while married women had to wait until 1921 to reach the legal age of majority. These legal reforms played a crucial role in opening doors for women in business (Du Rietz, 2013).

The late nineteenth century is often referred to as a revolution in personal services, which created opportunities for female entrepreneurship in urban areas because of the rise of mass consumerism (Martin, 2003). The establishment of beauty salons is often seen as a result of the hygienic revolution in the late nineteenth century. It marked a transformative moment in history, reshaping hygiene practices through scientific research and technological breakthroughs in soap and beauty product manufacturing (Davenport, 2017; De Vries, 2008; Jones, 2010; Runefelt, 2019; Severinsson, 2018; Söderberg, 2001; Wiell, 2018). Overall, the United States played an important role in shaping modern beauty treatments, as it served as a hub for innovative ideas and practices from beauty specialists. In 1878, Mary E. Cobb, an entrepreneur, established one of the earliest manicure salons in the US in New York City (New York Post 20.4.2014). Moreover, Cobb offered beauty courses, lectures, and authored beauty manuals covering treatments and skin ailments (The World 27.11.1892). Clearly, the United States has a rich history of influential figures in the beauty salon industry. For instance, entrepreneurs like Madame C.J. Walker and Annie Malone in the USA, alongside numerous marginalised black women, have left a lasting impact on the beauty industry. It was often women who came up with innovative products and services aimed at catering to a diverse range of beauty needs (Davenport, 2017; Gill, 2004; Walker, 2009). These women not only revolutionised the beauty industry but also acted as catalysts in the broader movements for civil rights. Additionally, the history of the beauty industry is full of famous names like Elizabeth Arden, Helena Rubinstein, and Estée Lauder. They left a lasting impact with their groundbreaking work in skin care and makeup (Jones, 2010).

At the end of the nineteenth century, the chemical-technical industry emerged in Sweden with the production of soap and perfumes (Runefelt, 2019). Simultaneously, numerous beauty salons emerged in the 1890s, often managed by women with the objective of improving their customers’ appearance (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017). The late nineteenth century witnessed a notable expansion in Sweden’s industry (Schön, 2019). This economic boom provided a fertile ground for women to venture into self-employment. The transportation revolution made it easier and more affordable to travel across the sea to return home to Sweden (Blanck & Hjorthén, 2021, p. 15). Urban migrants demonstrated a higher propensity to return to Sweden, even though most Swedish Americans preferred to stay in the USA. Swedish Americans, enriched with new business insights from the United States, often returned to Sweden, sharing technological innovations and products (Grönberg, 2003). Obviously, this phenomenon of migration-fueled knowledge transfer extends beyond the borders of Sweden. Historically, migrants have left a mark on their homelands and beyond. For example, Italian immigrants in the United States, whose culinary expertise played an important role in shaping the American food industry and, in turn, popularising Italian cuisine not only in the USA but all around the globe. However, there is a notable gap in the literature when it comes to understanding the experiences of female return migrants and their contributions to transmitting skills from America to Sweden (Biltekin, 2021; Dribe et al., 2023). The motivations for women’s return during this period were diverse, yet a pivotal factor was their profound familial ties. Additionally, returning women were often unmarried and equipped with empowering skills and knowledge acquired abroad (Biltekin, 2021; Dribe et al., 2023). Especially female migrants returning from the United States found opportunities to establish salons during the late nineteenth century through several key avenues. In general, the beauty industry has historically been a magnet for women due to its lower financial and educational requirements compared to other professions (Jones, 2010; Peiss, 1998). Overall, they seised opportunities to establish salons by cultivating international expertise and experience. They strategically harnessed their skills through advertising and tapped into the growing demand for foreign beauty trends in Sweden. Their proficiency in transnational business environments was empowered by their foreign know-how, granting them a distinct advantage within the beauty industry.

However, the pursuit of beauty was frequently met with scepticism and a perception of vanity (Runefelt, 2019; Söderberg, 2001). This sceptical view in Sweden extended to beauty salons, which were often regarded as questionable enterprises (Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017). Swedish newspapers often questioned the legitimacy of beauty salons (Eksjötidningen 23.1.1906; Vårt Land 3.1.1906; Varité 2.2.1895). Research in the United States points to similar results. According to Julie Willett, the reputation of manicurists in America was generally poor. Often, they were young women without formal education, and it was primarily working-class women who sought out the profession at the beauty salon (Willett, 2005). In particular, the work of a manicurist was considered an odd profession in Sweden, and some viewed it as repugnant to work with other people’s skin and nails (Eksjötidningen 23.1.1906; Vårt Land 3.1.1906; Varité 2.2.1895).

Salon owners who had worked or lived abroad in countries like Denmark, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, or the United States were regarded as possessing a distinct competitive edge.⁷ In this business environment, Swedish-American returning migrants played a vital role in meeting the high demand of the Swedish market for foreign beauty trends and styles.⁸ In general, advertisements included detailed information if the beauty salon owner had been trained in a foreign country, or if they had been working in America. Some business owners had learned both the theoretical and practical work abroad while transmitting their skills back to Sweden.⁹ This transnational entrepreneurship not only bridged the knowledge gap between American and Swedish beauty practices but also paved the way for a transformative era in the Swedish beauty industry. Living for years in America, taking part in courses, and working as a manicurist led to more options while returning to Sweden. In the USA there was an apprenticeship system early on and beauty schools were established.¹⁰ It wasn’t until the 1930s that Elin Dahlstrand initiated a beauty care school known as the Académie Scientifique de Beauté in Sweden (Svenska Dagbladet 19.5.1932). The knowledge acquired by female migrant entrepreneurs was strategically leveraged to enhance the quality of the beauty salons they established in Stockholm. Indirectly, this approach may have been an effort to combat the negative reputation that many salons had at the time.

Furthermore, beauty salon owners with international work experience were able to command even higher rates for their treatments (Aftonbladet 12.2.1898; Nordlund Edvinsson, 2017). This underscores the interplay between transnational entrepreneurship and the refinement of local industries. The infusion of international expertise not only met the demands of Swedish consumers but also contributed to reshaping the perception and economic viability of beauty salons in Stockholm during this era. This exchange of ideas and practices between different nations contributed to the evolution of beauty practices in Sweden. Interestingly, the proof of being a trainee at a well-known beauty salon could strengthen the merit portfolio. Many beauty salon owners in Stockholm were former students of internationally known names. For instance, Anna Jonasson was a former student of Mrs Wendriek from Copenhagen (Svenska Dagbladet 2.3.1907: Stockholm edition). Likewise, Maria von Mickwitz in Stockholm had received training at the prestigious Heinrich Simons Institute in Berlin. She claimed to have undergone extensive instruction in the field of hair diseases, under the guidance of a distinguished German specialist (Aftonbladet 5.10.1913). Beauty salon owner Cecilia Haglund described herself as ‘Sweden’s only and real face specialist’ (Göteborgs Aftonblad 3.11.1900). Haglund had been a former student of Miss Kyster in Copenhagen and the Swedish American Mathilda Wihr. (Göteborgs Aftonblad 22.12.1894). An anonymous beauty salon owner boasted about graduating from the prestigious institution of Dr. J. Parker Pray (1844–1898) in New York, renowned for his expertise in manicures and pedicures. Dr. Pray was a distinguished American manicurist and pedicurist, who owned a company that manufactured beauty products. He held the exclusive rights to sell the Van Ola cream, which was popular for its skin lightening effects. Parker Pray’s exceptional techniques for performing manicures and pedicures were considered one of the best in the United States for many years.¹¹

It becomes evident that the pioneers in Sweden were the women who proactively engaged in transnational entrepreneurship and aspired to attain global recognition. These women recognised that the beauty salon extended far beyond national borders, motivating them to actively seek inspiration and knowledge from a wide array of international sources (Azmat, 2013; Dheer, 2018; Haandrikman & Webster, 2020; Heilbrunn et al., 2019; Willnath, 2018). However, courses in beauty treatments were generally expensive, and many salon owners chose to go as interns at hairdressers instead. There was a lack of specific training for manicurists and beauticians in Sweden for a long time which affected practical and theoretical knowledge (Idun 15.10.1922). As a result, many female entrepreneurs sought alternative pathways to acquire the necessary skills. For example, women with limited capital gained insights into personal hygiene by assisting affluent households with their skincare routines and hairstyling (Haeger Magnus, 1958).

Looking for clues in the advertisements suggests that many entrepreneurs in Stockholm used foreign methods while performing beauty treatments. Several salon owners claimed that they used American methods (Aftonbladet 31.12.1894; Stockholms näringsliv 1924).¹² Judging from the advertisements in Stockholm, the American and French methods seem to have dominated the Swedish market. It is unclear what it entailed, but most beauty salons that claimed they used American methods offered a combination of steam, massage, and electricity to their customers (Aftonbladet 19.2.1896). The preference for American methods in Swedish beauty salons raises questions about the globalisation of beauty standards and ideals. It is important to recognise that countries, such as France have made substantial contributions to shaping the beauty industry (Grout, 2020). While France has long been synonymous with luxury and elegance in the beauty industry, the United States established itself early as a major player, offering a diverse range of beauty products and treatments, including innovative technologies (Jones, 2010). Additionally, the American approach was marked by inclusivity, opening the doors of beauty care to a broader demographic. It is noteworthy that the majority of women involved in the early beauty salon business from Sweden preferred to relocate to America rather than France. Furthermore, the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter was ironic about the wide range of beauty treatments and international methods available in the Swedish market.¹³ For example, Anna Johannisson ran a beauty salon and offered the ‘newest devices and the finest creams’. It was pointed out that her methods were widely used in London and San Francisco (Svenska Dagbladet 27.3.1907: Stockholm edition). Entrepreneur Anna Jonasson adopted American Professor Michel’s electrolysis method to address embarrassing hair growth, a technique introduced by surgeon Charles E. Michel in 1875, which remains one of the oldest methods for removing unwanted hair (Svenska Dagbladet 16.9.1905; Svenska Dagbladet 3.6.1905). Overall, Anna Jonasson appears to have been the only one to advertise about electrolysis in Stockholm at that time. Using innovative American methods, meant that it was possible to attract more clients to the beauty salon. However, electrolysis could also be used to remove blemishes, benign tumours, and pigments (Ramsbrock, 2015, p. 70).

In the following section, I will explore the influential women of Swedish American heritage who played important roles in the establishment of beauty salons in Stockholm during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is important to pay more attention to how transnational entrepreneurs create spaces that span across borders and connect different places (Dheer, 2018). It will also offer perspectives on the gender dynamics that shaped their endeavours (Craig, 2016).

Entrepreneurs returning to Sweden

In the 1890s, pioneers like Anna Holmberg and Annie Pettersson served as examples of early transnational entrepreneurs. The American identity was important for these women, as they often used it in their advertising to attract new customers to their beauty salons and set higher prices for their services.¹⁴ Apparently, Annie Pettersson claimed to have American roots according to early advertisements and interviews (Dagens Nyheter 24.10.1894). However, the census records indicate that she was born in Stockholm to Swedish parents but had emigrated as a young girl to America.¹⁵ She was the daughter of trader Fredrik Pettersson (1834–1883).¹⁶ During the years 1888–1894, Annie Pettersson lived in America, according to the Swedish census.¹⁷ As a 25-year-old, she returned to Sweden, to establish a beauty salon in Stockholm. Interestingly, she wanted to come across as an American in the press, while promoting her salon. This choice may have been motivated by several factors, one of which suggests that aligning her identity with America added an aura of internationality to her business, making it more appealing within Sweden. Annie Pettersson claimed to have learned her skills in New York from a woman named Mrs. Burden, an American inventor who had introduced her to the beauty care (Aftonbladet 20.11.1895).¹⁸ Her strategic positioning as an American-trained beauty professional served as a testament to the global reach of beauty trends and practices, ultimately contributing to her early success within Sweden’s evolving beauty business. Pettersson began advertising about her beauty salon in Stockholm, 1894.¹⁹ Furthermore, Annie Pettersson’s entrepreneurial activities provide an illustration of the transnational exchange of beauty practices and products. Notably, she promoted an American-manufactured cold cream and, with strategic acumen, began retailing the product within a prestigious Stockholm department store. Within her professional repertoire, Pettersson incorporated facial treatments that drew from American practices, most notably the use of steam—a technique that had its origins in the United States. An advertisement featuring her services proclaimed the transformative effects: ‘All abnormalities in the skin, such as wrinkles, pimples, blackheads, disappear’ (Dagens Nyheter 29.4.1895). This statement not only underscores the promise of her innovative treatments but also reflects the growing fascination with American beauty methods and their perceived effectiveness. The American techniques were promoted as revolutionary solutions to common skin issues. Moreover, Pettersson advertised that her treatments were particularly suited for women who attended dance balls, implying that her services were primarily targeted towards individuals from high society (Nya Dagligt Allehanda 5.1.1895). Interestingly, she offered courses on how to perform beauty treatments. A pupil had to pay 300 Swedish Crowns in 1895 to gain access to her course, equivalent to the salary for 2000 h of work for a textile worker (Sydsvenska Dagbladet 31.10.1895; Prado, 2010). This suggests that gaining access to the salon owner’s knowledge through the training program came with a significant price tag. This implies that women who aimed to enroll in this course were probably in a relatively favourable financial position (Sydsvenska Dagbladet 31.10.1895). It also suggests that international skills were considered valuable in the Swedish market.

Another notable entrepreneur is Anna Holmberg (b. 1850), the daughter of merchant and farmer Henric Zacharias Becker (1798–1868).²⁰ When her father, who was a widower, passed away in 1868, Anna Juliana and her sister Henrietta Lovisa were still minors.²¹ The exact timeframe of Anna Holmberg’s stay in America is unclear, however. In advertisements, she referred to her experience in the United States and identified herself as a Swedish-American woman.²² This emphasis on her American identity might have been a strategic move to attract more customers. Previous studies reveal that Swedish Americans often adopt a new lifestyle upon their return home (Blanck & Hjorthén, 2021, p. 16–17). Furthermore, Pettersson and Holmberg were often portrayed in the press as two successful beauty salon owners who paved the way for others in the Swedish capital. Previous research has pointed out that Swedish-Americans in general enjoyed being portrayed as successful. When Swedish Americans returned to Sweden, they often had new behaviours and new skills. They even dressed differently (Wallengren, 2014, p. 43–44). However, the American background could have a negative connotation in Sweden and be associated with falsehood. According to the stereotypical image of the returning Swedish American, the ideal type was boastful, greedy for money, and extravagant (Wallengren, 2014, p. 47).

To assert their transnational identities and make significant inroads into the Swedish beauty industry, entrepreneurial women employed various strategies. One such common approach involved preserving their American identity by adopting English titles like ‘Miss’ instead of the common Swedish title ‘Fröken’ when promoting their beauty salons (Dagens Nyheter 20.4.1898; Svenska Dagbladet 1.9.1898).

Through a micro historical lens, the aim is to delve deeper into how Swedish-American identity influenced these women as entrepreneurs. Obviously, the ethnic identity played a crucial role in advertising and managing the beauty salons. The returning migrant, Miss Hilma Tillson emerged as a prominent figure in the beauty salon industry of late ­nineteenth-century Stockholm. Her Swedish name was Hilma Alfrida Malvina Tolleson, born in the city Norrköping in 1856. She was the daughter of customs guard Axel Wilhelm Tolleson (1821–1874) and midwife Katrina Dorotea Enqvist (1830–1892).^23,24 Her older sister Anna had left Sweden for America as a 17-year-old in 1869.²⁵ In 1872, it was time for Hilma and younger sister Catharina to emigrate when they were only 16 and 11, respectively.²⁶ What made them move across the Atlantic without their parents? Perhaps their older sister might have played a role in their decision. Anna’s migration suggests potential benefits of life in America, particularly in terms of career prospects for young women. The migration of a younger brother alongside Hilma adds another layer to this narrative. It underscores the role of family networks since family members often act as a safety net and a source of guidance for newcomers in a foreign land.²⁷ In the USA, Hilma changed her surname to sound more American, something her sister also did by calling herself Carrie Tillson (1861–1914). The decision to Anglicise their names reflects a common phenomenon observed in migrant research where individuals often modify their identities to navigate markets or assimilate. In 1896, Hilma Tillson established a salon in Stockholm (Svensk Damtidning 23.10.1896).²⁸ According to sources, Hilma continued to work with beauty care in America even after she once again decided to leave Sweden, this time for good. Living in Manhattan, Hilma Tillson was registered as a chiropodist, while her sister Carrie was a manicurist. The sister’s occupations suggest an essential aspect of transnational entrepreneurship—the diversification of skills and expertise.²⁹ Additionally, Hilma Tillson had a significant clientele in Sweden during her years as a beauty salon owner in Stockholm she became well-known for her personal service (Dagens Nyheter 2.1.1899). Over the years, she trained several beauty salon owners in Sweden, transmitting her skills learned in America to the Swedish beauty salons.³⁰ However, it’s not known why she decided to leave her beauty salon in Stockholm and hand it over to Mathilda Wihr. Perhaps Hilma and her sister missed America not only for economic reasons. This narrative raises questions about the agency and autonomy of female entrepreneurs in transnational contexts, as they make deliberate choices about how to present themselves and their businesses to diverse audiences. Eventually, Miss Tillson became an American citizen in the 1920s but never set up her business in Sweden again. Instead, she continued her business operations in New York.³¹

The transition of ownership from Hilma Tillson to Mathilda Wihr (b. 1874) in the Stockholm beauty salon marks a significant turning point in the salon’s history. Although her background was humble, as the only daughter of Gustaf Wilhelm Wijhr (1835–1893), a labourer and gardener, and Elisabeth Christina Nilsson (1833–1922), who had two sons from a previous marriage. Despite a poor background, Mathilda Wihr claimed to have studied university courses in medicine which proved successful for her business. In newspapers, she was described as an artistic woman, who had an early ambition to succeed (Svenska Dagbladet 7.9.1902). It was difficult to persuade Swedes to invest their time and money in advanced beauty treatments. In contrast, in a metropolis, such as London, it was easier to attract customers who were enthusiastic about new advanced forms of beauty treatments. This suggests that the Swedish market was not sufficiently receptive to innovations in the field of beauty treatments. Even though international experience was highly valued, it was still challenging when trying to penetrate the Stockholm market. This conservatism may have been particularly evident among the economic elite, who were hesitant to invest time and money in beauty salons. Overall, the Swedish market was limited, which somewhat hindered the expansion of the beauty salon (Svenska Dagbladet 7.9.1902). Like many other beauty salon owners, Mathilda Wihr depended on tourism in Stockholm. Attracting foreign visitors as well as diplomats to her salon became imperative, primarily because wealthy tourists were more willing to pay more for personalised services (Svenska Dagbladet 7.9.1902). In the late nineteenth century, a surge in tourism, driven by advancements in transportation, rising affluence, and a growing fascination with travel among the upper class, reshaped the era. Improved communication with doctors, who provided favourable references, offered a distinct advantage. By fostering connections with medically skilled individuals, the beauty salon not only bolstered its reputation but also effectively expanded its reach to a new customer base, particularly individuals afflicted with skin disorders. This approach underscores the interplay between personalised services and social networking, underscoring the transformative potential within the transnational framework of the late 19th-century beauty industry (Svenska Dagbladet 7.9.1902).

However, Mathilda Wihr’s decision to close her beauty salon in Stockholm did not signal an abandonment of her entrepreneurial ambitions; rather, it marked a new career path in America. Under her new name Neysa Mathe Wihr, she transitioned into the realm of professional dance at the prestigious Metropolitan in New York. Moreover, she ventured into the establishment of her own dance studio, catering to notable ballet dancers among her clientele, a move that further solidified her standing within the dance community (The New York Times, 27.10.1916). While Mathilda Wihr may not conform to the conventional image of a transnational entrepreneur, as seen with others in this text, her international experiences reveal a dynamic adaptation to new environments and market challenges. Wihr lived abroad in various countries and introduced advanced beauty treatments to the Stockholm market.³² Although the term ‘transnational’ may not precisely encapsulate Wihr’s all entrepreneurial activities, her story sheds light on the blurred boundaries between migrant and transnational entrepreneurship.

Another illustration of a Swedish American entrepreneur was Gudiva von Sotta, formerly known as Gudiva Andersson (b. 1870). She was the daughter of the station and track guard Anders Persson (1839–1922) and his wife Petronella Persdotter (1843–1937), who was a midwife.³³ Interestingly, Gudiva’s own daughter Pearl followed in her mother’s footsteps and worked as a manicurist in the United States.³⁴ Much like her counterparts featured in this article, Gudiva provided a wide range of services, including manicures and hair growth removal.³⁵ As a 19-year-old, she had migrated to the United States in 1889.³⁶ However, as a transnational entrepreneur, she returned to Sweden during the early 1900s. She claimed that she had: ‘won the public’s recognition everywhere, this is also evidenced by the large increasing number of applicants, I have all over Sweden’ (Falukuriren 9.1.1903). However, objections were raised against von Sotta’s business activities when she titled herself ‘doctor’ specialising in treating hair diseases. Above all, the press turned against the fact that she called herself doctor by profession. Her husband Theodore von Sotta (1865–1944) wrote a debate article in the Swedish American journal Svea in her defense.³⁷ He worked as a barber in the USA and explained that ‘the content of the note was based on untruths and is only an expression of jealousy on the part of the manufacturer of Salubrin in Eslöf’. He asserted that his wife had never referred to herself as a doctor.³⁸ What drew the attention of journalists was her belief that she had been awarded a prestigious gold medal at the 1902 international exhibition in London, despite the absence of concrete empirical evidence to substantiate this assertion (Dagens Nyheter 9.2.1903). Clearly, Gudiva von Sotta was considered a fraud by the press of the time. She was accused of quackery and sentenced to a fine (Östgöta Correspondent 8.4.1896; Svea 25.2.1903).

The exact time when she returned to America is difficult to determine since she is missing from certain records. She was probably an individual who travelled under various names, possibly identifying herself in emigration records as Sotta Andersson, but then recorded as born in 1867 instead of 1870.³⁹ Exploring her entrepreneurship across Sweden and America offers valuable insights into the challenges faced by entrepreneurs, particularly when dealing with negative perceptions or scepticism about their ventures. In this case, negative media portrayal impacted her business reputation in Sweden. The Swedish-American Post called her an ‘adventurer’.⁴⁰ A few years later, in 1907, Gudiva von Sotta sold meal tickets at a Swedish boarding house. The following year, in 1908, she advertised the opening of a women’s hairdressing salon where beauty treatments were carried out. Her return to the beauty salon, as reported in the press (Scandinavia 24.6.1908), underscores her determination to explore evolving business avenues. Notably, in 1909, she ventured into the field of massage therapy, as evidenced by her listing as a masseuse in Connecticut. This shift exemplifies the flexibility required to thrive as a transnational entrepreneur, demonstrating von Sotta’s ability to adapt to different professional domains.⁴¹ The following year, she returned to Massachusetts and resumed work as a masseur.⁴² In 1915, the company Von Sotta System INC was found to have a capital stock of $25,000 in Massachusetts. The business consisted of a manicure and hairdressing salon. However, this time she did it with Emma J. Stilwell and her new husband Olof Lindbom (Svea 15.12.1915).⁴³

Obviously, Gudiva continued to receive attention in various ways in the Swedish American press (Svea 23.81916). However, since her business deals were not improving in Sweden, Gudiva did not return to her mother country, instead, she continued to bring up new business proposals in America. Furthermore, her ability to maintain a presence in the press suggests a strategic use of publicity. Through the skillful management of her public image, Gudiva probably aimed to establish trust and credibility, essential elements in solidifying business partnerships and broadening her entrepreneurial horizons.

The empirical examples demonstrate that women opted to return to America if their home country failed to meet their expectations. The American market, with its greater financial resources and larger customer base, was more receptive to hygiene treatments (Jones, 2010, Davenport, 2017; Peiss, 1998). It is important to note that each case is unique, and not all women follow the same career path. While neither Holmberg nor Pettersson returned to the United States, Pettersson embarked on another migration in 1897, this time to Russia. She embarked on a career as a physiotherapist, marking a significant phase in her life and professional journey. Her return to Sweden in 1918 represented a shift in her entrepreneurial identity. Of particular interest is her choice to adopt the surname Falg instead of Pettersson. This change went beyond a simple alteration of her name; it symbolised a deliberate and strategic departure from her earlier Swedish American experiences.⁴⁴ Interestingly, in an advertisement, she proclaimed herself as a ‘Skillful facial masseuse from Paris and Petrograd’ (Svenska Dagbladet 8.12.1919, Stockholm Edition). This distancing from her previous beauty salon and avoidance of any reference to its name can be seen as a strategy aimed at crafting a new, more global identity to better resonate with the evolving preferences of her clientele.

Entrepreneur Annie Landén, a single divorced mother of two children, started offering beauty treatments during the early 1900s. Through hard work, she eventually migrated to America to continue her business deals. Her children accompanied her and became American citizens. Landén effectively bridged the gap between the two nations’ markets (Svenska Dagbladet 19.10.1919, Stockholms Adresskalender 1920). She established ‘The Virozol Company’ at 78 Hicks Street, Brooklyn, New York, and began advertising in magazines from as early as 1919 (Svenska Monitoren 6.6.1919). Simultaneously, Landén operated a salon at Norrmalmstorg 3 in Stockholm, maintaining her beauty salon in the city centre throughout the 1920s at the same time in New York (Stockholms Adresskalender 1919). Her ability to sustain her beauty salon business in both Sweden and New York reflects the multifaceted nature of transnational entrepreneurship and the adaptability required to navigate distinct market contexts. However, given the absence of more sources, we lack a comprehensive understanding of how the companies were structured. Our insights into her entrepreneurship are primarily derived from advertisements, as well as other notations found in address directories and articles. Recognised as a ‘physical culturist and beauty specialist’ in America, Landén achieved success with her self-produced beauty treatments (The Miami Herald 27.1.1927). She became known for her facial products, which were promoted as ‘pure enough to eat’. As an illustration, her offerings were advertised in newspapers as ‘Swedish Face Bath’. Additionally, Landén’s products received prestigious gold medals in both Paris and Liege in 1928 (Folkräkningar 1910; Brooklyn Times Union 29.12.1929; Republican Tribune 14.7.1933).

The migrant status could present opportunities, infusing the market with something distinctive and captivating. The beauty salon could therefore emerge as an asset in the right setting. A relevant parallel can be drawn to the fashion industry, wherein the status of a producer (or designer) is shaped by the individuals who wear their clothing products (Aspers, 2016). It is clear that these returning migrants likely used the knowledge and skills they gained in the United States as valuable resources when starting and running their businesses in Sweden. When female entrepreneurs announced the closure of the beauty salon, they often taught manicure and facial treatments to their successors in connection with the transfer. The reason why the business was shut down was due to several things, including ‘due to illness’, but also marriage, emigration, or a change of career. No uniform pattern can be seen among the actors in this study. Deregistering the business should be done at the commercial register, something many missed (Handelsregister 1896–1901, volym C4AAb:4, Stockholms stadsarkiv; Dagens Nyheter 9.9.1907; Ronnebyposten 15.6.1907).

By highlighting their training and expertise acquired abroad, they not only set themselves apart but also tapped into the growing demand for foreign beauty trends and techniques. These strategic approaches collectively contributed to their ability to thrive in a sceptical business landscape. Each individual narrative serves as a testament to their adaptability and determination as they navigated the complex dynamics of transnational entrepreneurship, leveraging their diverse experiences to overcome gender-related barriers and make their mark on the late nineteenth-century beauty salon industry in Stockholm.

Discussion and conclusion

This study addresses the need to explore returning migrants, specifically women involved in transnational entrepreneurship. Their stories, diverging from typical entrepreneurial narratives, are intricate and sometimes fragmented, deserving more comprehensive examination. This article offers modest insights, providing valuable yet limited glimpses into understanding the contributions of female migrants as entrepreneurs at the end of the nineteenth century. This study focuses on Swedish American women who returned to Sweden and established beauty salons in Stockholm. This study examines the impact of cross-cultural exchange on these women’s business opportunities and life cycles, demonstrating the influence of globalisation on their identity formation.

Moreover, the concept of being a transnational migrant entrepreneur underscores the idea that migration itself can serve as a valuable asset in the business world (Portes et al., 2002). For example, transnational entrepreneurs frequently engaged in activities, such as importing products from their home countries, highlighting the multifaceted nature of their entrepreneurial initiatives. This approach enabled them to leverage their unique experiences and connections gained through migration to shape their business ventures. In this particular context, Swedish Americans assumed a pioneering role in transforming the beauty market by introducing innovative beauty treatments and products. Theoretically, migration can be seen as a catalyst for women to escape the confines of traditional gender roles and societal expectations prevalent in Sweden at the time. In the United States, women had increased access to education and diverse work opportunities, allowing them to gain valuable skills and ideas for future entrepreneurial ventures. Upon returning to Sweden, they could leverage this knowledge to disrupt prevailing gender stereotypes within the business sphere. However, the growth of beauty salons in the Swedish capital was not without resistance. There was a mistrust directed towards its practitioners and the idea of making money by manicuring people’s nails and offering facial massage was associated with frivolousness.

Using a range of qualitative sources, the article tries to reconstruct the life cycles of six transnational entrepreneurs. These women identified market gaps or niches on an international scale. As a result of the hygienic revolution, the beauty salon expanded in the late nineteenth century and the first pioneers in the city of Stockholm were often women who had been educated in America. On the other side of the Atlantic, they had learned how to use new equipment and perform hygienic treatments while working in manicure parlours or barbershops. In the late nineteenth century, women had few options for proper training in the beauty salon, as there was no formal education for them in Sweden. However, if the beauty salon owner had foreign experience, she could charge higher prices for the treatments (Aftonbladet 12.2.1898). A significant number of these entrepreneurs had valuable experience in the New York area, where they acquired new skills under the guidance of beauty specialists. As a result, many beauty salon owners in Stockholm were familiar with American techniques, created their own products, and drew inspiration from international treatment methods. Additionally, the hygienic revolution had awakened the chemical industry with the production of soap, laundry detergent, and eventually cosmetics. Many beauty salon owners advertised about their extensive international work experience along with recommendations from international experts.

Additionally, examining beauty salon owners reveals a hidden, informal side to the industry. The lack of official records highlights how secretive these businesses were and raises questions about society’s views on beauty and personal care at the time. This informality may have been due to factors, such as how society viewed beauty treatments, the desire for privacy, and the need for discreet services. The mobile approach of salon owners also shows their commitment to protecting their clients’ privacy. The empirical examples presented in this text indicate that female entrepreneurs put considerable effort into promoting their salons. The only way to gain a better reputation was to promote international experience and new, unique treatments from abroad. The article concludes by pointing out that although the demand for beauty treatments and services was growing in Stockholm in the late nineteenth century, the market was much more limited than in America, and many Swedish American salon owners eventually gave up on the Swedish market and returned to America. Instead of limiting themselves to a single geographic setting, these women demonstrated a predisposition for crossing international borders in their quest to fulfill their entrepreneurial aspirations. This phenomenon emphasises the dynamic and adaptable essence of transnational entrepreneurship. It also highlights the constant need for updating and keeping up with the latest trends. As a business that relied on being sensitive to evolving trends, the salon owner had to adapt to the environment and constantly seek out new opportunities. Overall, the beauty salons established by Swedish Americans served as a catalyst for the emergence of numerous beauty salons and female entrepreneurs in Stockholm. Clearly, female entrepreneurs played an integral role in this transformative narrative, infusing an international aesthetic sensibility into the very essence of the city’s salons. At the same time, these establishments attracted a discerning clientele that included both wealthy locals and curious tourists, all in search of the innovative hygienic treatments they offered. This underscores the enduring appeal and economic importance of these transnational enterprises.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Therese Nordlund Edvinsson

Therese Nordlund Edvinsson is an Associate Professor of Economic History at Uppsala University in Sweden. Her research focuses on gender in business.

Notes

1 Passenger and Crew Lists of Vessels Arriving at New York, 1897–1957, National Archives Microfilm publication T715, roll 3021, Records of the immigration and Naturalization Service, Record Group 85, Ancestry. She also lived in Paris, France. She is listed in Swedes in the USA, 1940, but not in the emigrant database, ArkivDigital. New York, U.S., Death Index, 1852–1956, Ancestry.com.

2 Gerda Juhlin established a beauty salon in Stockholm. However, she emigrated to Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA. See Swedish Emigration Records 1783–1951, Ancestry, note 1904. She found work as a maid in America. Her sister Hulda Feistinger/Feichtinger was living in Milwaukee, Wisconsin in 1904. She was also involved in the beauty business. However, Gerda Juhlin disappeared from American records. She may have moved, emigrated, or changed her last name. See also New York Arriving Passenger and Crew Lists 1820–1957, Ancestry. See also the estate inventory of Gerda Juhlin’s mother, Kristina Charlotta Juhlin, Oppunda District Court (D) FII:73 (1901–1903) Image: 11610 Page: 1164, ArkivDigital. This shows that the Juhlin sisters were living in America. The brother Erik Hjalmar Juhlin lived in Chicago. Ellen Pedro Pettersson migrated to America in 1901. She later married merchant William Stoddard. See Födelsebok: Göteborgs Domkyrkoförsamling C:13 (1872–1877), ArkivDigital; Her mother’s estate inventory: Askims, Hisings, and Sävedal district court (O) FII:26 (1913) Image: 4960 Page: 55, ArkivDigital.

3 Svenska Dagstidningar https://tidningar.kb.se/. See also Rotemansarkivet; Sveriges dödbok 1830–2020; Folkräkningar, Riksarkivet. See also Handelsregister 1896–1901, volym C4AAb:4, Stockholms stadsarkiv.

4 Svenska Dagstidningar https://tidningar.kb.se/; Stockholms Adresskalender 1910; Kvinnligt yrkesregister (1906).

5 Aftonbladet 23.4.1897.

6 Ancestry.com https://www.ancestry.com/; ArkivDigital, https://www.arkivdigital.se/; https://resources.arkivdigital.se/productcatalog/arkivdigital-produktkatalog.pdf;Newspapers https://www.newspapers.com/Svenska Dagstidningar https://tidningar.kb.se/See also Rotemansarkivet; Sveriges dödbok 1830–2020; Folkräkningar, Riksarkivet. See also Handelsregister 1896–1901, volym C4AAb:4, Stockholms stadsarkiv.

7 Aftonbladet 12.2.1898; Stockholms Dagblad 28.11.1906.

8 Norrbottensposten 8.11.1894; Dagens Nyheter 24.10.1894; Östersundsposten 27.10.1894.

9 Aftonbladet 21.10.1898; Svenska Dagbladet 2.3. 1907. Stockholmsupplaga.

10 Beauty Service: Women’s Bureau Bulletin no. 260 (1956), p. 24.

11 The beauty salon owner, based in Stockholm, chose to keep her name confidential. Svenska Dagbladet 25.1.1901; New York Herald-Tribune 22.11.1898.

12 Stockholms näringsliv, volym 3, Stockholm 1924: N. H. Lovén.

13 Dagens Nyheter 5.5.1907. Clara Ljungqvist launched a method that was considered the ‘best’ method in Denmark, Norway, France and America, Svenska Dagbladet 4.11.1895.

14 Norrbottensposten 8.11.1894 wrote about Pettersson and Holmberg. They are also mentioned in a newspaper from Skellefteå Nya Tidning 1.11.1894; Westerbotten 29.10.1894. The latter paper mentions that the British-born Maria Pearce was the first beauty salon owner in Stockholm.

15 Rotemansarkivet. Her real name was Anna Maria Lovisa Pettersson.

16 Folkräkningar 1880; Rotemansarkivet Anna Maria Lovisa Pettersson; Stockholms Dagblad 21.4.1897; Fredrik Pettersson, Stockholm City Hall Court 1st Department (A, AB) F1A:691 (1883) Image: 470 Page: 489, ArkivDigital.

17 Rotemansarkivet, Anna Maria Lovisa Pettersson, BiS, Population in Sweden 1800–1947, ArkivDigital. At the time of the mother’s death, Anna Maria Sofia is listed as living in New York, USA. Stockholm City Hall Court 1st Department (A, AB) F1A:723 (1891) Image: 12150 Page: 269, ArkivDigital.

18 Ronneby Tidning 5.1.1884.

19 Aftonbladet 31.12.1894; Svenska Dagbladet 24.11.1894.

20 Dagens Nyheter 13.9.1895. Södertälje church archive, Birth and baptism books, SE/SSA/1572/CI/6 (1861–1872), Myheritage. See also Swedish house interrogation records Henric Zacharias Becker, Stockholm—Södertälje A19, 1866–1870. page 84, line 1, ArkivDigital. Swedish house interrogation records—Zacharias Becker, Stockholms-Södertälje AI11, 1826–1830, page 234, line 10, ArkivDigital. See also the will of HZ Becker. The estate register: Södertälje town hall court and magistrate F2:13 (1857–1869) Image 5200/Page 13, ArkivDigital.

21 Södertälje town hall court and magistrate (AB) F2:13 (1857–1869) Image: 5230, ArkivDigital.

22 Passenger and crew lists for arrivals in New York, Ellis Island, see the name Anna Holmberg, where the date of birth is given as about 1854 with departure Liverpool to New York 18 September 1889, Ancestry database; Dagens Nyheter 24.10.1894.

23 Axel Wilhelm Tollesson had previously been married. The estate register: Norrköping town hall court and magistrate FIaaa:109 (1856) Image 297/Page 74, ArkivDigital. His former wife Christina Andersson Tollesson died in 1856. Hilma Tillson’s mother Katarina Dorothea later re-married the ironworker and farm owner Karl Johan Petersson (1823–1900). Folkräkningar 1880. Swedish house interrogation records—Katarina Dorothea Enqvist, Östergötlands—Norrköpings St Olai AI73, 1873–1877, Page 130, Row 10, ArkivDigital.

24 Catharina Dorothea Pettersson Tollesson Enqvist’s estate record. Norrköping town hall court and magistrate (E) FIaaa:145 (1892) Image: 626, ArkivDigital.

25 Emigrants registered in church books, 1783–1991, database in Ancestry. Swedish house interrogation records—Hilma Alfrida Malvina, Östergötlands—Norrköpings St Olai AI72, 1868–1872, Page 68, Row 25, ArkivDigital.

26 Gothenburg, Sweden, Passenger Lists, 1869–1951 for Catharina Tollesson, database in Ancestry.

27 Axel Walfrid Konstantin Tollesson (b. 1863) He later worked as a sheet metal worker in New York. Hilma Alfrida Malvina, Östergötlands-Norrköping St Olai AI65, 1868–1872, Page 136, Line 9, ArkivDigital. New York, US, Arriving Passenger and Crew Lists (including Castle Garden and Ellis Island), 1820–1957, Ancestry.

28 Passenger Lists, 1869–1951, Landsarkivet in Gothenburg, see Gothenburg Police Chamber E Ix, 1–143, access via Myheritage. See Carrie Tillson and Hilma Tillson.

29 1910 United States Federal Census, Myheritage database. See US City city directory 1908–1910, Myheritage.

30 For example, Anne Marie Richter. Dagens Nyheter 27.1.1902.

31 In New York, she was a member of the Pedic Society (foot care and pedicure). Hilma Tillson, Ellis Island and Other New York Passenger Lists, 1820–1957, Myheritage; New York Times 15 May 1929: 26.

32 BIS Befolkningen i Sverige 1820–1947, ArkivDigital.

33 Gudiva later changed her surname to Lindbom. US, Social Security Applications and Claims Index, 1936–2007, Ancestry.

34 BiS, Population in Sweden 1800–1947, ArkivDigital; Massachusetts, US, Marriage Records, 1840–1915, Ancestry.

35 Göteborgs Aftonblad 7.9.1901; Allingsås Tidning 10.12.1901; Correspondenten 23.11.1901.

36 1910 United States Federal Census. The surname is sometimes spelled ‘Von Sotto’; Svenska husförhörslängder, Kristianstads—Ausås AI16, page 118, line 4. Myheritage, ArkivDigital.

37 Svea 4.3.1903. Theodore von Sotta had different years of birth, see 1866 in BiS, Population in Sweden 1800–1947, ArkivDigital. He lived on and off in Sweden, during the years 1899–1909.

38 Svea 4.3.1903; US, City Directories, 1822–1995; Connecticut Vital Records, Index of Deaths, 1897–2001, Ancestry.

39 In the emigration database, there is a person listed by the name of Sotta Andersson, but this individual is recorded as being born in 1867, three years older than Gudiva. However, it is possible that this could be the person who traveled under this name to the USA in 1906. See Emigranter, Göteborgs poliskammare (-1900) (O) EIX:82 (1906) Image: 1580 Page: 311, ArkivDigital.

40 Swedish American Post 3.3.1903.

41 US, City Directories, 1822–1995, Ancestry.

42 The 1910 US Census records; US, City Directories, 1822–1995, Ancestry. 1910 United States Federal Census. The surname is sometimes changed to ‘Von Sotto’ or Sotta, Ancestry.

43 US, Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, Swedish American Church Records, 1800–1947, Ancestry.

44 Rotemansarkivet; BiS, Population in Sweden 1800–1947, ArkivDigital; Svenska Dagbladet 8.12.1919, Stockholm edition.