Urban trust in Kenya and Tanzania: Cooperation in the provision of public goods

Abstract

Literature connecting ethnic diversity with public goods provision has found public goods to be poorly and unevenly supplied in ethnically heterogeneous communities. Scrutinising this hypothesis, the study contrasts an ethnically homogenous community in Kenya with an ethnically heterogeneous one in Tanzania, documenting levels of trust and cooperation in public goods provision. Interviews and focus groups with market-sellers of Mwanza (Tanzania) and Kisumu (Kenya) reveal how the two professionally similar populations differ starkly in the way they participate in public goods, and in an opposite direction to that which would be predicted by the current literature on ethnicity. On the topic of the organisation of security and cleaning within markets in Mwanza, ethnically heterogeneous market-sellers' sense of solidarity facilitates a greater degree of seller-on-seller trust. In Kisumu, in contrast, with participants reflective of the dominant Luo ethnicity, the lack of state provision of public services has seen a feeble and individualistic response. The findings demonstrate how ethnic distribution matters less for public goods provision than commitments amongst citizens themselves and between citizens and local authorities.

Les écrits qui relient diversité ethnique et fourniture de biens publics ont tendance à conclure que les biens publics sont fournis de manière médiocre et inégale dans les communautés hétérogènes sur le plan ethnique. Cette étude examine de près cette hypothèse et contraste une communauté homogène sur le plan ethnique au Kenya et une communauté hétérogène sur le plan ethnique en Tanzanie, en documentant le degré de confiance et de coopération dans la fourniture de biens publics. Des entretiens et des groupes de réflexion avec des marchands de Mwanza (Tanzanie) et de Kisumu (Kenya) révèlent comment ces deux populations, si elles sont professionnellement similaires, se différencient fortement sur le plan de la manière dont elles participent à la fourniture des biens publics, et ce à l'inverse de ce que prédiraient les écrits actuels traitant des questions ethniques. Sur le thème de l'organisation de la sécurité et du nettoyage dans les marchés de Mwanza, le sentiment de solidarité parmi les marchands hétérogènes sur le plan ethnique facilite un degré supérieur de confiance entre marchands. À Kisumu, en revanche, où les participants sont issus de l'ethnie Luo dominante, le manque de prestation par l'État de services publics a suscité une réaction faible et individualiste. Les constatations montrent que la distribution ethnique importe moins pour la fourniture de biens publics que les engagements entre les citoyens eux-mêmes et entre les citoyens et les autorités locales.

Keywords::

• Kenya
• Tanzania
• ethnicity
• public goods
• trust

Notes

^1. Easterly and Levine (1997) also correlate a lack of economic growth with ethnic diversity in Africa.

^2. Within the groups of market-sellers, interviewees were selected to be representative of the range of locations, products sold, ages, genders, ethnicities and degrees of legality.

^3. The 1957 census, conducted by the colonial authorities of Tanganyika, shows the city to be extremely ethnically diverse (East African Statistical Department 1958, 237).

^4. For example, in her 1990s fieldwork, Flynn notes that the main market of Mwanza has “200-plus food vendors of primarily Sukuma, Jita, Kerewe, Kuria, Ha, Haya, Nyamwezi, and Chagga descent” (Flynn 2005, 47–8).

^5. For the relevant legal descriptions, see for Kenya the Local Government Act 1977 (Cap 265), as amended, and, for Tanzania, the Local Government (District Authorities) Act of 1982, the Local Government (Urban Authorities) Act of 1982, the Local Government Finances Act of 1982 and the Local Government Services Act of 1982.

^6. Kiswahili for all pull together. Begun under the presidency of Jomo Kenyatta, harambee schemes describe community self-help projects that are matched by state support.

^7. Kiswahili for security guard or watchman.

^8. One woman explained that each member of her group paid 100 KSh per month towards the cost of a Maasai watchman. Interview 24, female, powdered foods seller. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 18 July 2009.

^9. Focus group 1. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 10 July 2009; this was also expressed in focus group 2, Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^10. “Elderly man” is used here as a substitute for the Kiswahili mzee. The Kiswahili term is used for mature and experienced men, considered to hold formal or informal authority due to their age and wisdom.

^11. Interview 5, elderly man, clothes and materials seller. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 9 July 2009.

^12. Focus group 2. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^13. Interview 9, female, beans wholesaler. Kibuye market, 15 July 2009.

^14. Focus group 1. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 10 July 2009.

^15. Ibid. Each dash represents a different speaker.

^16. Interview 42, female, cereal seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 29 July 2009. Supported by focus group 5. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 29 July 2009.

^17. Focus group 2. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^18. Interview 14, Robert, male, carpenter. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^19. In terms of a game theory dilemma, this could, perhaps, result in guards stealing once they notice something to have been stolen (under the logic that their reputation has nothing more to lose).

^20. Focus group 2. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^21. Interview 24, female, powdered foods seller. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 18 July 2009.

^22. Focus group 2. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^23. Interview 7, Phillip, male, tailor. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 10 July 2009.

^24.Changa'a is a homemade toxic alcohol popular across Kenya.

^25. Interview 7, Phillip, male, tailor. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 10 July 2009.

^26. Interview 10, Male, egg seller. Jubilee market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^27. Bearing in mind that most sellers are females and feel their poverty could easily be taken advantage of. Interview 16, female, fish seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 16 July 2009; Interview 19, female, tomato seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 17 July 2009.

^28. Interview 15, female, potato seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 16 July 2009; Interview 17, Luyha, female, cafe owner. Jubilee market, 16 July 2009.

^29. The cost of a watchman was 6000 KSh per month. Interview 15, female, potato seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 16 July 2009.

^30. Interview 12, Sarah, female, tailor. Oile market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^31. Interview 30, female, dagaa seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 22 July 2009; Interview 28, Alex, male, corn and powdered foods seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 22 July 2009; Interview 42, female, cereal seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 29 July 2009.

^32. This fear is further intensified when – as is often the case – goods are on loan from suppliers who are due to be paid only once the money from making a sale comes in. Interview 42, female, cereal seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 29 July 2009.

^33. However, she also noted that “they will not refund back as much as you lost”. Interview 48, female, tomato seller. Mkuyuni market, Mwanza, 1 August 2009.

^34. Interview 49, Aaron, male, maize wholesaler. Mkuyuni market, Mwanza, 1 August 2009.

^35. Focus group 2. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^36. Interview 40, female, tomato seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 27 July 2009.

^37. Focus group 1. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 10 July 2009; Interview 11, female, beans seller. Jubilee market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009; Interview 16, female, fish seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 16 July 2009; Interview 35, Jeffrey, male, clothes seller. Mlango Mmoja, Mwanza, 23 July 2009.

^38. Interview 2, Three women, vegetable sellers. Kibuye market, Kisumu, 9 July 2009.

^39. Interview 10, Male, egg seller. Jubilee market, Kisumu, 15 July 2009.

^40. Interview 20, Pastor Fred, male, second-hand clothes seller. Park outside Jubilee and Oile markets, Kisumu, 17 July 2009.

^41. Interview 38, male, dagaa seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 24 July 2009.

^42. Interview 33, female, tailor. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 23 July 2009.

^43. Focus group 5. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 29 July 2009.

^44. Interview 36, Anna, female, baby clothes seller. Mlango Mmoja, 23 July 2009.

^45. Interview 28, Alex, male, corn and powdered foods seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 22 July 2009; Interview 38, male, dagaa seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 24 July 2009.

^46. Ibid.

^47. Interview 29, Margaret, female, plantain seller. Soko Kuu, Mwanza, 22 July 2009.

^48. Interview 49, Aaron, male, maize seller. Mkuyuni market, Mwanza, 1 August 2009.

^49. Interview 46, Mohammed, male, onion seller. Mkuyuni, Mwanza, 1 August 2009.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Dominic Burbidge

Dominic Burbidge completed his doctorate at Oriel College, University of Oxford, where he studied trust and social capital in Kenya and Tanzania. He continues to investigate local government, devolution and trust in the East African region and works as a researcher for Strathmore Governance Centre, a research wing of Strathmore University, Kenya.