The Dynamic Festival: Ritual, Regulation and Play in Changing Times^*

* This discussion is an updated version of Boissevain (1991), which in turn was based on two of the research papers presented to a seminar workshop on ‘Feasts and Rituals in the Netherlands’ held at the Anthropological-Sociological Centre of the University of Amsterdam in the spring of 1988. The editorial team of the Volkenkunde section of the P.J. Meertens Institute selected these from among the 15 presented during the workshop for publication in their Cahiers series.

ABSTRACT

This article examines two Dutch secular celebrations: the celebration commemorating the 1572 capture and liberation of Den Briel (now called Brielle, near Rotterdam), and Brabant Day in Heeze (near Eindhoven). For each, it explores when and why it was created, and how and why its form, content and meaning have changed. The exploration shows that festivals, once introduced into a community or group, are dynamic. Their character, content and organisation change due to developments in the social and economic environment and the tension between internal factions competing to direct the mode of the celebration. Festivals can unite as well as divide a community. A moot point is whether the form of a festival in fact changes if the content or modes of celebration change.

KEYWORDS:

• Identity
• factionalism
• class
• tourism
• power

Acknowledgements

Hannie Hoekstra, Jojada Verrips and Gerard Hersbach gave me valuable advice and help regarding the original Dutch version for which I remain most grateful.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

* This discussion is an updated version of Boissevain (1991), which in turn was based on two of the research papers presented to a seminar workshop on ‘Feasts and Rituals in the Netherlands’ held at the Anthropological-Sociological Centre of the University of Amsterdam in the spring of 1988. The editorial team of the Volkenkunde section of the P.J. Meertens Institute selected these from among the 15 presented during the workshop for publication in their Cahiers series.

1. See how Brielle celebrated its liberation in 2013:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jo-raUcsy2k

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lOy5yvYY-tg

2. See how Heeze celebrated Brabant Day in 2012:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4F6gGHQAtuw

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oK_V2S4gFD4

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N-C9OjB0VIk

3. See, for instance, Andrews and Leopold (2013), Boissevain (2008) and other contributors to this issue of the Journal of Mediterranean Studies 18 (1): 1–18.

4. In a recent article on Brielle, Ensel notes how in the post war years ‘The [First of April] ceremony developed from a national commemoration into a collective fantasy of local identity’ (2008: 54).

5. A socially subordinate status group not discussed by either Ensel or Caris, but extremely important for understanding changes in festivals in Malta (if not elsewhere), is the cohort of young adult men and women eager to become involved in community affairs. During the past 50 years, the scale of the ludic external celebrations of Maltese festi (festivals honouring parish patron saints) has escalated and the number of band clubs – the driving force behind these celebrations – has nearly doubled. The celebrations now last longer, the decorations are more elaborate, the band marches rowdier and the fireworks noisier. The escalation is driven by the endemic parochial rivalry and competition between band clubs and, in particular, the enthusiasm and volunteered labour of the clubs’ younger members. The technically and media savvy young men and women in the Youth Section of the band clubs are increasingly assuming greater responsibility for organizing, financing and, especially, promoting new ludic activities. The rowdy festa celebrations inflame the church authorities and the ever-louder fireworks infuriate the urbanised middle classes. But noisy, rowdy and colourful festi are not just joyful parochial celebrations. They also express a deeply felt social and geographical identity and, as well, are a statement to parochial rivals and to complaining middle-class suburbanites, that ‘Yes we are here’ (Boissevain 1993; 2007).

6. Also see the debate Boissevain (1999) contra MacClancy and Parkin (1997) and Parkin and MacClancy (1999).