Access to discourse, marginalisation and exclusion in conservation-induced resettlement: the case of the displaced Baka of East Cameroon

Abstract

This paper concerns the links between discourse and the marginalization and exclusion of the Baka people living in the Dja Reserve in East Cameron. The findings reveal how various factors mediate the experience of marginalisation and exclusion after displacement and resettlements. Central to these factors is the concept of ‘access’ – access to the dominant discourse. The paper deconstructs the concept of access into ‘potential’ and ‘realised’ access. It also shows how ‘potential’ access to dominant discourse can influence ‘realised’ access to resources in newly resettled communities.

Keywords:

• Discourse
• Marginalization
• Exclusion

Acknowledgements

Thanks to the Baka of the eastern periphery of the Dja Reserve, Cameroon for their cooperation in this research; Joseph Payo, Octave Ondoua and Benjamin Kodju for research assistance; Helena Nsosungnine and GEOAID for logistics assistance, my colleagues at the Division of Geography at Katholieke Universiteit Leuven for brainstorming with me in the course of the development of this study. Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Professor Jan Blommaert, Dr Andre DeGeorges, Dr Michael Brett-Crowther and my supervisor Professor Maarten Loopmans for providing useful feedback on this paper.

Notes

1. Although the label ‘Bantu’ is widely considered derogatory in South Africa – particularly post-apartheid South Africa – which according to the Guthrie classification [29,30], constitutes only one out of 16 zones of Bantu ethnic groups, there is no evidence that the term ‘Bantu’ is considered offensive by members of the other 15 zones. The Bantu in Cameroon regularly refer to themselves as ‘we the Bantu’ when making a distinction between themselves and the forest hunter-gatherer Baka people.

2. Adjela, Bingongol/Mintoum, Sissoh and Le Bosquet.

3. DeGeorges and Reilly [38, p. 56] cite an extract from a letter addressed to the Head of Department of Nature Conservation at Tshwane University of Technology from Jean Antono requesting a Shikar Scholarship to study nature conservation. Note how the Baka applicant has resorted to using the derogatory word ‘pygmy’ to introduce himself in order to conform to the widespread use of the word by other groups:

“I am a young Baka Pygmy, native to Southeastern Cameroon. The Baka are the people of the forest – we depend on it exclusively for our survival. It was given to us by ‘our God.’ However, today this forest is impoverished and divided into zones (hunting blocks, parks and logging concessions) that do not respect our way of life. As a consequence, we have been compressed to the edge of the roads next to Bantu villages living in indescribable misery with no ability to be heard by government.”

4. There is no accountability as to what happens with money from safari and chasse libre hunting [38].

5. This has to be done by a legally recognized firm which charges at least 450,000,000 FCFA (US$918,331) according to a source at FCTV (Cameroon Living Earth Foundation – NGO).

6. In principle, forestry policies should affect both Bantu and Baka communities living in proximity to the forests. The Baka depend on the forest for livelihood to a greater degree. A quantitative survey revealed that approximately 82% of Baka people generate their highest monetary income from forest-based extractive practices such as hunting and gathering. Consequently, any measures which restrict access to the forest will affect the Baka more than their Bantu counterparts.

7. Worst of all, radio coverage is available for only a minority of the Baka. According to the quantitative survey, only 11% of the Baka respondents owned radio sets and only 3% owned television sets.

8. The Baka are not represented in local government. All 25 rural councillors in the Lomie area in 2006 were Bantu [29].

9. Translated from French.

10. Pseudo name.

11. In 2006, of the 17 villages represented – including Baka communities – at the forestry commission in the Lomie area, there were no Baka representatives [28].

12. Pseudo name.

13. The procedure for selecting a leader to represent the Baka community is very undemocratic. Assembe Mvondo [28] notes that the Baka representative of Le Bosquet village was appointed by the SNV team (Netherlands Development Cooperation) in association with local Bantu territorial and forestry administrators. There was no consultation with inhabitants of the village on the selection of a person to represent them.

14. The forestry commission and local councillors do not publish figures of the total revenue obtained from forestry exploitation, lacking the political will to show any transparency in their operations [28]. Leaders of the executive committee of the forestry commission often stay in power without any need for re-election – some from 1994 till 2006 [28].

15. In council forests all the revenue is paid to the local council. Concerning forestry exploitation units, 10% should be paid to the local community nearest to the forest, 40% to the local council and 50% to the national treasury in Yaounde the capital city [39].

16. Forestry Exploitation Units.

17. Likened to the in-group animosity of Vladimir's choice. One day God came to Vladimir and said, ‘Vladimir, I will grant you one wish; anything you wish shall be yours!’. Naturally, Vladimir was very pleased with this news. However, God added one caveat: ‘Vladimir, anything I grant you will be given to your neighbour twice over’. Upon hearing this, Vladimir said, ‘OK God, take out one of my eyes’.

18. Other alternatives include tolerance and pragmatism.

19. According to the quantitative survey, 44 % of the displaced Baka children of school-going age are not at school because of a lack of interest in schooling.

20. Approximately US$50.