Portrayal of the national identity in Chinese language textbooks

ABSTRACT

This study applies CDA and story grammar analysis to investigate how Chinese language textbooks for primary schools foster Chinese national identity through their depiction of Chinese people struggling against foreign invaders. The analysis was conducted on 12 textbooks and the findings were based on stories featuring a range of ages, from children to soldiers and artists, who all displayed patriotic spirit and were willing to risk their lives for China. The textbooks also highlight China’s past humiliation, such as the Nanjing Massacre and the loss of territories such as Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. The authors of those textbooks seek to encourage the students’ national identity by promoting a sense of patriotism, sacrifice, vigilance against foreign threats, affirmation for the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and putting the interests of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) ahead of personal interests. Additionally, students are expected to have a strong sense of territorial sovereignty, recognizing Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan as parts of China. However, the results also show that the portrayal of Chinese national identity is Han-centric, excluding ethnic minorities.

KEYWORDS:

• People’s Republic of China (PRC)
• Chinese national identity
• foreign invaders
• past humiliation
• Critical discourse analysis (CDA)

Introduction

The People’s Republic of China is home to 56 ethnic groups, with the Han ethnic group being the largest. Despite its diverse population, China has managed to maintain a strong centralized nation, avoiding the dismantling of the state experienced by the USSR. There are several factors that may contribute to this outcome. One reason is the extensive government surveillance and policing (e.g. restrictions on the use of Google), which helps to prevent challenges to the authority of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Another reason appears be the educational curriculum in China, which places emphasis on patriotic education, the national identity of China, and the need for unity among its citizens. The textbooks and curricula, especially national language textbooks, serve as a means to instil a sense of national identity in its students (Lee, 2010). Thus, this study aims to explore this national identity as expressed in Chinese national language textbooks. By analysing these materials, the study seeks to gain insight into the values and beliefs that are being promoted and perpetuated within China’s education system.

National identity is a dynamic and politically constructed concept that can change over time and be tentative, malleable, fragile when countries undergo crises (Pertiwi & Ainsworth, 2021). Such an identity can be politically constructed, shaped and reshaped (Parekh, 1995). For instance, the mainland Chinese and Taiwanese populations share similar cultural backgrounds, but have distinct national identities that are shaped by different social, historical, and political experiences (Hall, 1990). Educational curricula, including national language textbooks, play a significant role in shaping and promoting national identity (Lee, 2010). The values, beliefs, and ideologies emphasized in these materials can help to solidify and perpetuate a particular national identity, not only in China, but also in countries such as South Korea and Japan.

Political leaders often attempt to shape collective national identity by seemingly encompassing all citizens through school curriculum, including textbooks. However, this is not always the case in reality. The formation of identity requires the presence of others. The portrayal of enemies or distinct others through school curricula allows the government to project a national identity onto its citizens (Lee, 2010).

Therefore, this project will examine how Mainland China’s Chinese national textbooks depict the national identity through the portrayal of past struggles with foreign invaders.

National identity and national language curriculum: theoretical framework

The end of World War II marked the close of colonialism and the start of the Cold War. During this period, the national boundaries of previously colonized countries, particularly in Africa and Asia, were redrawn and redefined. These countries sought to rediscover their past histories, cultures, and identities. National political leaders and elites shaped their national collective identity, while keeping pace with political ideologies such as socialism (communism) or capitalism (democracy) (Nasser, 2019, pp. 145–146). The Taiwan government embraced American-style capitalism and attempted to form its national identity by highlighting its ethnic ties with Mainland China and through a reunification policy (initiated by Taiwan) in which both Mainland China and Taiwan would be part of One China before 1989 (A. Ye, 2016, p. 14). Currently, Taiwanese leaders emphasize their identity as an independent nation, but members of the Kuomintang still support a One China policy, albeit one that differs from that of Mainland China (A. Ye, 2016, p. 21).

While there is no scholarly consensus on the meaning of national identity (Nasser, 2019, p. 153), the discourse surrounding the formation of national identity often involves the binary concepts of self and others or similarity and difference (Lee, 2010). Identity politics requires the presence of ‘Others’ to define itself, as if these differences are stable, fixed, and organic (Lee, 2010). In the past, colonizers utilized these differences, such as black and white or barbaric and civilized, in identity formation (Nasser, 2019, p. 149). However, it is important to note that identity formation is a process of political socialization. The West’s power in identity formation portrays itself as superior to non-Western (colonized) identities (Foucault, 1981). Nasser (2019, p. 166) concurred that the emphasis on national identity in school textbooks often results in the omission of other forms of identity, such as ethnicity, social class, or gender (p. 166). This type of identity politics seeks to foster a sense of solidarity and belonging among individuals through attachment to a larger entity, such as the nation (Nasser, 2019). Despite the appearance of equality among citizens as subjects of the nation, certain ethnic groups within the nation are often excluded and have their voices suppressed. For example, Chinese history textbooks in the PRC depict Confucianism as the core value of Chinese culture and the foundation of the Chinese national spirit (Huang & Chen, 2019). However, this representation ignores the perspectives of the Xinjiang and Tibetan people, who view themselves as colonized by the Han (Jones, 2002). Han-centric nationalism neglects Han’s internal colonization of non-Han regions and fails to acknowledge the cultural and historical distinctiveness of these regions, as well as their contributions to China (Vickers, 2022b; Yan & Vickers, 2019).

Anderson (2016) views nations as ‘imagined communities’ with ‘invented traditions’. Nationalists or influential groups in a nation often consider their interpretations of collective past as a crucial aspect of national identity formation, resulting in the creation of collective memories that serve as the foundation of national accounts (Anderson, 2016). In this process, certain versions of history are selected and others are discarded (Williams, 1989). These groups choose or maintain specific narratives or events as significant parts of the past, while disregarding others. The focus is on past memories and the way they are commemorated, which can change for political reasons, as demonstrated by the following examples:

Ukrainian political leaders have portrayed different experiences of World War II in order to distance themselves from Russia and align themselves closer with the European Union. For example, in 2014, a new World War II commemorative emblem was created in the shape of a stylized red and black poppy and Ukrainian mythology was used to honour the fallen soldiers of the war (Klymenko, 2020, p. 138). Meanwhile, in Russia, the orange-and-black striped Saint George’s Ribbon is used as a symbol of the war (Klymenko, 2020, p. 138).

The collective memory of past events changes over time as meanings are adapted to current political contexts. China has emphasized anti-Kuomintang traditions in the early period of the PRC for the purpose of nationalism and the formation of national identity (Sneider, 2013). Later, the CCP-centric state nationalism and its ideologies, including patriotic education in 1991, were re-emphasized following the Tiananmen Incident (Rose, 2000, p. 173; Sneider, 2013, p. 44). Through this campaign, the CCP effectively utilized China’s century-long history of national humiliation by Western powers and Japan to awaken the people’s historical consciousness and increase unity and cohesion. Since then, China’s national humiliation has become a potent tool for Chinese nationalism (Mitter, 2020), highlighting the idea that weakness, disunity, and disorder at home could result in foreign invasion and bring shame and loss of Chinese identity (Coble, 2007, p. 404). Japan is depicted as ‘the Other’ and its brutality is emphasized to showcase Chinese suffering and victimhood, promoting a sense of shared history and Chinese national identity (Han, 2013, p. 43). Kitaoka (2011) argued that the Chinese leadership stresses anti-Japanese patriotism to secure strong domestic support and national unity. A. Ye (2016) also noted that mainland Chinese history textbooks foster a pro-Communist Chinese identity by emphasizing the role of the CCP, which plays a critical role in the formation of Chinese national identity (A. Ye, 2016, p. 46; W. Ye, 2016, p. 200). Remembering past traumatic events is also a means of developing national identity. Following the commemoration of the Holocaust with Western narratives, China established the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall (Museum) to raise global awareness of China’s wartime victimhood, and designated December 13th as a national Memorial Day for the Nanjing Massacre victims in 2014 (Denton, 2014, p. 138; Vickers, 2022a). By appropriating Western discourses of war memory for the PRC, China also built the Shanghai Jewish Refugees Museum in 2015 to demonstrate its moral and humane superpower on the global stage (Vickers, 2022a). Today, China’s victory over Japanese aggression is described as ‘the first complete victory over foreign invasion’ by Xi Jinping, showcasing China’s global power (Mitter, 2020), and this change is reflected in new ‘victory’-themed annexes to museums and memorial halls in China (Denton, 2014; Vickers, 2022a).

The Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall highlights the significance of collective recollection, as it states: ‘To forget history is an act of betrayal’ (Zhu & Zhang, 2008, 1056). Zhu and Zhang (2008) also point out that the exhibition stresses the connection between remembering a past traumatic event and future action. Recollecting and gaining insight from past humiliations are crucial components in shaping and preserving Chinese national identity, and also in supporting the CCP’s goals and policies towards peaceful development and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation (Gustafsson, 2020).

The PRC places great emphasis on ancient Chinese civilization, past humiliations, the CCP’s revolutionary traditions, and China’s recent accomplishments in their patriotic education efforts (Wang, 2008). The two key components, past humiliations and the CCP’s revolutionary heroism traditions, are directly linked to their resistance against foreign invaders, illustrating that the formation of national identity always involves the presence of external enemies. Hence, this study will analyse how national Chinese language textbooks construct Chinese national identity through struggles with foreign invaders.

Textbooks and the development of Chinese national textbooks

Textbooks serve as a medium for students to learn government-sanctioned ideology, instilling in them the values that the nation wishes to promote (Curdt-Christiansen, 2008). As a result, the content of textbooks is considered to be officially approved knowledge (Apple, 2018). Curdt-Christiansen (2008, pp. 96–97) goes on to explain that the language used in these textbooks teaches students to internalize these values, enabling them to act in a manner that is socially accepted. This means that the features and language in the textbook content help students to explore their membership in a specific social group, and shape their collective national and cultural identity, and to feel more connected into their society (Chiu, 2011). In this manner, the state plays the primary role in the political socialization of its citizens, through its control of school curricula and textbook content (Lee, 2010).

It can thus be seen that dominant ideologies for the middle and upper classes are integrated into textbooks, while the interests of marginalized groups are often excluded. However, minority or oppressed groups can resist and challenge these dominant ideologies within the context of a Western school curriculum. According to Apple (2018, p. 63), the school curriculum serves as a crucial area of authority and identity struggles, as evidenced by the content of textbooks in the USA. The author argues that these textbooks represent the artefacts of compromise and struggle, whereas this is not the case in China. In China, when the CCP makes a decision, it is promptly implemented without any room for compromise or struggle over the school curriculum (W. Ye, 2016).

Founded in December 1950, the People’s Education Press (PEP), which is led by the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China (MEPRC), compiles and publishes national unified textbooks. In the 73 years since the establishment of the PRC, the development of Chinese textbooks has been guided by the same guidelines and recognized as unified national teaching materials. However, during the ‘Great Leap Forward’ and the ‘Cultural Revolution’, various versions of school textbooks served as political propaganda. The content of these textbooks was politically motivated, and in some regions, Chinese politics and history were combined into a new subject called ‘politics and literature’ (J. Zhang et al., 2020). From 1977, as advocated by Deng Xiaoping, the focus of Chinese textbooks shifted away from political ideologies and towards the economic benefits of openness to outsiders. Since 1986, due to differing educational systems, various versions of Chinese textbooks have been edited and published in China, but these must all follow the same national guidelines (similar to curricula). In 2006, the State Council held an executive meeting to develop a single national version of Chinese language, history, and politics subjects, and in 2012, the central government requested the MEPRC organize experts to compile three separate national textbooks for these subjects (Gu, 2019). The PEP published these textbooks with the aim of cultivating Chinese students’ patriotism, collectivism, and socialist thought. In 2021, the MEPRC proposed that the focus of the primary school textbooks should be on the stories of Party leaders, their heroic deeds, important events, major achievements, communist revolutionary cultural relics, and revolutionary songs, etc. This was done to encourage students to respect the communist revolutionary leaders and heroes, and to learn the spirit of sacrifice, hard work, unity, and patriotism. The textbooks were also expected to instil a love and appreciation for their current lives, cultivate support for the Party, and inspire ambitions to strive for the nation’s prosperity and strength.

Scholars such as Sneider (2013), Huang and Chen (2019), and W. Ye (2016) have studied the representation of national identity in Chinese history textbooks, in comparison to those of Japan, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Sneider (2013) compared the national identity portrayed in history textbooks in mainland China and Japan. He found that the content of Chinese history textbooks is closely tied to China’s ‘Patriotic Education’ campaign, which emphasizes China’s past humiliations and collective traumatic memories. On the other hand, the content of Japanese history textbooks presents controversial issues and their war crimes in a neutral and concise manner, without making moral judgements (Sneider, 2013, p. 40). Huang and Chen (2019) analysed the representation of national identity in Taiwan history textbooks; since 1987, Taiwan history textbooks have attempted to create its own local collective memory and national identity, which differs from that of the PRC. W. Ye (2016) investigated the depiction of national heroes in Hong Kong and mainland Chinese history textbooks, and found that Hong Kong textbooks strive for political neutrality in their representation of Chinese national heroes, shaping their local identity as Hong Kongers, whereas the same heroes are portrayed with clear political ideologies in mainland Chinese textbooks, highlighting the CCP’s leadership.

Scholars such as Zhang and Lu (2018), Liu (2005), Curdt-Christiansen (2008), and Chiu (2011) have investigated Chinese language textbooks. P. Zhang and Lu (2018) found that these textbooks focus on benevolence and patriotism, depicting heroism and elitism as role models for students, but offer an unbalanced representation of Han and minority groups. Liu (2005) Curdt-Christiansen (2008), and Chiu (2011) discovered that the Chinese culture and moral values attributed to the ‘ideal Chinese people’ are integrated and included in both Chinese language textbooks in China and in material for overseas Chinese-heritage students. Liu (2005) stated that the cultural and moral values illustrated in Chinese textbooks published in China function as a form of social control and do not necessarily align with the students’ interests. Curdt-Christiansen (2008), and Chiu (2011) found that the same values depicted in Chinese language textbooks for overseas Chinese-heritage students conflict with the students’ everyday experiences. However, Curdt-Christiansen (2008) did not analyse the content of patriotism, despite her data showing that it was the highest among all themes (p. 101).

The People’s Education Press (PEP) published the Morality and Rule of Law textbook 5–2 in 2019, which is considered to be the subject that best embodies the government’s ideology, according to Zheng and Cherng (2020). The textbook mainly focuses on China’s history of being humiliated by foreign invaders, their resistance, and eventual victory from the Opium Wars to the present day. Chinese language textbooks, however, offer students a way to learn what constitutes legitimate knowledge and to understand the world around them, as noted by Curdt-Christiansen (2008). They also play a role in shaping students’ national identity. The texts and literature included in these textbooks are portrayed more vividly and emotionally than dry historical narratives, serving as examples of patriotism. Previous studies have shown that the study of national identity in Chinese language textbooks has received little attention. In particular, the struggle of the Chinese people against foreigners has been rarely analysed. This paper aims to investigate how national identity is constructed in Chinese language textbooks by addressing the following questions.

1. What foreign invaders are depicted in the textbooks, and how did the Chinese people struggle against them?

2. What is ‘ideal’ Chinese national identity and how is it constructed and conveyed through the use of recurring characters in textbooks?

3. Whose voices are silenced?

This paper concentrates on the texts related to foreign invasion and examine how they aim to shape Chinese national identity by depicting the resistance of the Chinese people against these invaders. Due to the limitations of the paper, the authors only investigate the unified version of Chinese textbooks used in grades 1 to 6.

Data collection and analysis

The data used in this study are sourced from the national unified Chinese language textbooks produced by the People’s Education Press (PEP) and used in Chinese primary schools. Table 1 provides a general categorization of themes present in primary school textbooks. Among the texts, the theme of patriotism and national identity was the second most frequently identified. Given that the presence of ‘others’ plays a crucial role in the formation of national identity, the authors collected texts about foreign invaders, as shown in Table 2. Table 2 lists the six primary grades and the invaders mentioned in the textbooks, including the Japanese (8 texts), Anglo-French (1 text), British (2 texts), and Portuguese (1 text). Any unidentified enemy countries were excluded from the analysis.

Table 1. General topics in unified Chinese language textbooks.

Grade	Patriotism/ national identity	Environment	School life/habits	Traditional culture	Family/filial piety	Scientific knowledge	Others
1	6	35	8	6			4
2	6	24	5	7	3	1	6
3	6	26	2	4			7
4	8	24	3	4		4	2
5	11	12	3	10	3	1	10
6	11	9	4	6	3	5	5
Total	48	130	25	37	9	11	34

Table 2. Foreign invaders depicted in primary textbooks.

Grade	Japanese	Anglo-French	British	Portuguese
1	0	0	0	0
2	1	0	0	0
3	1	0	0	0
4	3	0	0	0
5	2	1	1	1
6	1	0	1	0
Total	8	1	2	1

Children’s resistance towards Japanese

语文Yuwen [Chinese] (2–1)¹ (PEP, 2017, p. 42) recounts the story of Wang Erxiao, a member of the Children’s Corps.² In the story, Wang Erxiao successfully led Japanese enemies into an ambush by the Chinese Eighth Route Army, resulting in their defeat and his death. The text portrays Wang Erxiao as a child hero, encouraging students to emulate his example of bravery and patriotism. This story has been a fixture in Chinese primary textbooks for many years and has remained unchanged in the Chinese language textbook series since 2001.

A similar character from the resistance, the fictional Yulai, has been depicted in Yuwen 4–2 (PEP, 2019b), since at least 2003. This story takes place in the Shanxi Chahar Hebei border region during the Japanese war and tells of Yulai’s efforts to protect revolutionary cadres by refusing to reveal the location of Chinese resistance soldiers, even under torture by Japanese soldiers. The story uses derogatory language to describe the Japanese soldiers, for instance: ‘the devils [Japanese] searched through both the front and backyard’ and ‘It was a complete disaster in the house, they even slashed through the pillows with their bayonets’ (PEP, 2019b, p. 80). Furthermore, a summary of violent tortures by the Japanese soldiers is described on pages (pp.81–82) as they physically tortured Yulai by twisting his ears, pulling his cheeks, slapping his face, punching him in the chest, and shouting ‘Shoot him! Shoot him! Drag him out, drag him out!’

Nevertheless, Yulai refused to reveal the secret, even when faced with the threat of death and immense pain, demonstrating his heroic endurance and patriotism for China. Finally, Yulai escaped when the Japanese officer was distracted by swimming away into the river. The story portrays Yulai as a child hero due to his exceptional patriotism, bravery, and intelligence, and uses phrases such as ‘We are Chinese’ (p.78) and ‘We love our motherland’ (p.82) to emphasize patriotism. The textbook authors have utilized the inclusive ‘we’ and ‘our’ to include all readers as Chinese and encourage them to love their motherland. The story presents Yulai, who is depicted as sacrificial, resolute, and patriotic, as a role model for children. Through studying this text, students are encouraged to love China completely and have a strong national identity as Chinese. Although the story remains unchanged, its focus has shifted. The 2003 version emphasized the pain and disasters inflicted on the world by wars. However, recent editions of Chinese language textbooks tend to emphasize patriotic heroism and China’s victories, rather than its victimhood, overlooking the impact of the war on people outside of China.

Another true story in a Year 6–1 textbook (PEP, 2019d) recounts the actions of five heroic Chinese soldiers who fought against the Japanese. This story was taught to primary students in 2003. In 1941, the story grammar is: Five Chinese soldiers (Ma Baoyu, Ge Zhenlin, Song Xuexi, Hu Delin, and Hu Fu) joined forces to invade the Shanxi Chahar Hebei base (setting) and to distract Japanese troops so the Chinese forces would not be discovered (event 1). On their way to Langya Mountain, the five soldiers killed many Japanese troops and led the rest to a dead end (cliff) (event 2). Once they had exhausted their ammunition, they used stones against the enemy but refrained from using a grenade until the end (event 3). After completing their mission, the soldiers sacrificed themselves by jumping off the cliff (consequence), as being patriotic, intelligent, brave, and selfless is the way to defeat the enemy (didactic lesson).

The five soldiers made a resolve to sacrifice themselves for their country. Throughout the story, various words and phrases were used to promote and reinforce concepts such as patriotism, intelligence, selflessness (sacrifice), bravery, and anti-Japanese imperialism. One example is Ma Baoyu’s wisdom and quick thinking in saving the grenade by throwing rocks at the enemies from the top of the mountain. ‘He suddenly lifted a big stone and cried out: “Guys! Bash them with rocks” (PEP, 2019d, p. 19). Action words (p.19) such as “snatched”, “suddenly lifted”, and “bash” were used to describe the soldiers’ attacks on the Japanese troops (making Ma Baoyu’s actions more powerful). ‘bash’ in Chinese implies complete destruction, reflecting the strong hatred the Chinese soldiers had for the enemy. This hatred is further portrayed in the text with the description of rocks, like hailstones, hitting the enemy with ‘the determination of the five heroes and with the hatred of the Chinese people’ (p. 19). The use of ‘hatred of the Chinese people’ serves to foster Chinese allegiance against the Japanese and promotes a Chinese identity by highlighting their hatred towards the Japanese. The enemies were defeated by throwing rocks, with the expression ‘rolled down… creaking cry’. Before jumping off the cliff, the soldiers shouted the ‘heroic’ slogans ‘Beat the Japanese imperialism!’ and ‘Hooray! The Communist Party of China’ (PEP, 2019d, p. 20). This story highlights the importance of unity, solidarity, and obedience to one’s leader and stresses the great contribution of the CCP in the war against Japan.

Having analysed the resistance of Chinese children and soldiers against the Japanese invaders, the focus now shifts to the resistance of an individual, opera singer Mei Langfang, as described in a Year 4–1 textbook (PEP, 2019a, pp. 99–101).

Artist’s resistance to Japanese

The Year 4–1 textbook (PEP, 2019a) depicts the resistance of a Chinese artist to the Japanese. World-renowned Peking male opera singer Mei Lanfang, who played the dan (female role in Beijing opera), had to hide and then flee to Hong Kong when the Japanese occupied Shanghai. When Japan also occupied Hong Kong, the Japanese commander in the region personally forced Mei Lanfang to perform on several occasions due to his exceptional performance skills and significant artistic influence on Japan (pp. 99–100). However, Mei Lanfang considered this to be harassment and refused to perform for the Japanese, who wanted to celebrate their military victory. According to the textbook, Mei Lanfang’s indomitable will and patriotism, as well as his great self-sacrifice above personal interest (losing his income), are depicted. Mei Lanfang refused to perform for the Japanese and sold his house to have money to live on. His strong antipathy towards the Japanese invasion and resolution to not perform for them is indicated by his actions. The text reveals that the Japanese required Mei to perform for the celebration of the ‘Greater East Asia War³’ due to his influence as a celebrity among both Chinese and Japanese people. However, Mei risked his life by firmly declining the request. Some depictions, such as ‘I won’t even participate in any performances for Japanese, much less in this sort of celebratory event for their military success’ (p.100), ‘his friend was moved by his patriotic spirit’ (p.101), and ‘he almost lost his life’ (p.101) by receiving a typhoid immunization to avoid performing for the Japanese, serve to reflect and strengthen his patriotism and self-sacrifice.

On hearing the news of the defeat of the Japanese, Mei Lanfang immediately returned to the stage after eight years without performing. His story, which highlights the public’s admiration for his exceptional artistic abilities and nationalistic integrity, was newly introduced into Chinese language textbooks (compared to the older version). This apparently was done to reinforce China’s victory over Japan and to promote traditional Han culture. According to Yair et al. (2014), heroes and role models depicted in textbooks can foster students’ patriotism, promote moral values and norms for them to follow, and emphasize that the national interest comes first. Through this process, the story encourages students to form a collective national identity and to strive for ideal Chinese citizenship.

Thus far, the analysis has focused on the struggles of the Chinese against the Japanese.

The following text portrays the patriotism of a Taiwanese teacher. However, the context of the story, set in 1945 during the time of Taiwan’s return to China from Japan under Chiang Kaishek, is limited. The story only focuses on one teacher who was patriotic towards China, ignoring the political struggles between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang, as well as the historical fact that most Taiwanese fought for Japan during the Japanese colonial era (Chatani, 2018).

‘An Unforgettable Lesson’, as described in the Year 4–1 textbook (PEP, 2019a), has remained unchanged from at least 2003 until the present time. The story focuses on a young Taiwanese teacher who was teaching the Chinese language to students in a rural primary school in Taiwan after China won the war with Japan.

Text 1. … I … saw a young Taiwanese teacher teaching children Chinese characters … he wrote on the blackboard, stroke by stoke: ‘I am Chinese, and I love China’.

Text 2 … manyteachers began to re-learn Chinese characters.

Text 3. … . As you know, during the Japanese rule, we went to schools run by the Japanese, and were not allowed to speak national language.

Text 4. The teacher pointed to several new portraits of great Chinese historical figures on the walls on both sides of the auditorium and said, ‘the paintings here used to be of Japanese people, but since the “liberation [guangfu]”, we’ve hung up paintings of our own great men.’ I saw that there were paintings of Confucius, Zhuge Liang, Zheng Chenggong and Sun Yatsen. Looking at it, I subconsciously began to tear up, Overwhelmed by the strong nationalistic spirit and deep patriotism!

Taiwan was occupied by Japan for 50 years, from 1895 to 1945, and was returned to China in 1945 after Japan lost World War II (A. Ye, 2016). In Text 1, the Taiwanese teacher emphasizes the national identity as Chinese, stating ‘I am Chinese, and I love China’. This demonstrates that the national identity of the Taiwanese people is considered Chinese, not Taiwanese or Japanese. The narrator, using the first person form, encourages readers to identify as patriotic Chinese citizens.

Texts 2 and 3 demonstrate the harsh cultural control that Japan exerted over Taiwan by prohibiting the use of the Taiwanese language (while enforcing the use of Japanese). Additionally, public displays of portraits of Japanese historical figures were used to flaunt Japanese cultural dominance (Cf. Ashcroft et al., 2006, p. 261). As a result, the Taiwanese people were forced to adopt the Japanese language and culture, and abandon their Chinese identity (Han, 2013, p. 41).

By implicitly presenting the Japanese as enemies in recounting part of China’s past humiliations, the narrative strengthens a sense of unity and cultivates Chinese nationalism (Han, 2013, p. 44). The act of learning the Chinese national language and replacing portraits of Japanese figures with Chinese historical figures, as depicted in Text 4, represents a rejection of the colonizer’s language and culture during the decolonization process, which contributes to the restoration of national identity (Ashcroft et al., 2006, p. 261). Text 4 also explicitly conveys the message that students should learn about the ‘strong nationalistic spirit’ and ‘deep patriotism’.

In this context, the deliberate choice of a 1945 setting portrays the Taiwanese as possessing the same patriotism and national identity as those from Mainland China.

It is noteworthy that all the portraits of Chinese historical figures mentioned in the text are of Han Chinese and that heroes from minority groups are not represented. Both Zheng Chenggong and Sun Yatsen, are recognized as ‘national heroes’ by both Taiwanese and Mainland Chinese people. Sun Yatsen led a revolution and established the Republic of China. However, the background of Zheng Chenggong is more complex due to his half-Han and half-Japanese heritage, which is not acknowledged in Chinese textbooks in order to maintain his perceived ‘Chineseness’ under the Xi Jinping regime’s emphasis on Han-centric culture and kinship. Mainland China portrays Zheng as a patriotic and loyal Han hero who regained Taiwan from the Dutch and protected China’s territorial integrity, while overlooking his Japanese heritage and Taiwan’s internal history and political changes (Vickers, 2021). It is also important to note that both Sun and Zheng fought against the Manchurian-founded Qing Empire. The textbook’s inclusion of Zheng Chenggong and Sun Yatsen as two of its five heroes promotes a Han-centric national identity, while ignoring Manchurian perspectives. This form of learning is seen as ‘official knowledge’ and legitimizes the ruling ideology (Apple, 2018), which is centred on the dominant Han-centric national identity. Despite President Xi Jinping’s stance against promoting either Han-centric nationalism or narrow nationalism (minority-centric), as China is a multi-ethnic country where all ethnic groups are equal (People’s Daily, 2021), research has shown a decline in the representation of ethnic minorities in Chinese language textbooks. A comparison of the old version, used until 2015, to the current version showed that content about ethnic minorities has decreased from 2.56% to 1.55%. Additionally, the current version no longer includes features of ethnic minorities on its cover images, in contrast to the older version. This supports the findings of Vickers (2022b) and Yan and Vickers (2019), who argue that the Chinese Communist Party suppresses multicultural sensitivity (ethnic minority) and emphasizes a more Han-centric identity.

The ‘Declaration for Peace’ from the Year 5–1 Textbook (PEP, 2019c, p. 57) describes the tragedy of the ‘Nanjing Massacre’ in the past. The poem was written in 2014, the same year that the PRC government designated a Memorial Day for the victims of the Nanjing Massacre. It was first included in the textbooks in 2018 and there have been no differences found between the two versions. The poem is presented below:

Declaration for Peace

1. Majestic Jinling and the surging Yangtze River,

2. The fragrance of the Zhongshan flower has lasted for thousands of years.

3. In 1937, disaster fell from the sky,

4. On Dec 13, the ancient city was destroyed.

5. Japanese invaders, looting, burning and killing.

6. Corpses were everywhere, and the Yangtze River was stained red.

7. More than three hundred thousand people plunged into misery and suffering.

8. Six weeks of purgatory (agony) led to the woe of the nation.

The story portrays Jinling (the ancient name of Nanjing) as a historically rich and beautiful city along the Yangtze River, the longest river in Asia, which symbolizes the ancient Chinese civilization. However, Line 3 takes a tragic turn as indicated by the Chinese idiom ‘祸从天降huo cong tian jiang’ which is translated as ‘disaster fell from the sky’. This phrase suggests a significant loss caused by a sudden disaster and the destruction of the ancient city. It is revealed that the cause of this disaster was the Japanese invaders, and their brutal war crimes are depicted as ‘looting, burning, and killing’.

The brutal crimes committed by the Japanese invaders during the massacre are further highlighted in Lines 6–7 with the description of the aftermath: ‘Corpses were everywhere’ and ‘the Yangtze River was stained red’. This imagery depicts the mass killings and the lasting impact of the tragedy on the Chinese people. The massacre lasted for six weeks and caused ‘misery and suffering’ for over three hundred thousand people. The phrase ‘the woe of the nation’ in Line 8 refers to China’s tragedy and great humiliation. Wang (2008) notes that remembering ‘national humiliation’ is an essential aspect of the construction of Chinese national identity. Gustafsson (2020) also argues that collective memory, an ‘active past’ that is alive in the present, plays a crucial role in forming identity. By including this tragedy in the textbook as ‘the woe of the nation’, the authors aim to encourage students to have a collective memory of past trauma and to remember their nation’s humiliation as part of their national identity. This helps to foster unity and vigilance against foreign invasion.

Textbook 5–1 (PEP, 2019c, pp. 56–57) includes two selections from a collection of patriotic poems called ‘Song of Seven Sons’, written by Chinese poet Wen Yiduo in 1925. These poems have recently been included in primary textbooks, starting in 2019. The textbook specifically features two of the seven poems: ‘The Poem of Macao’ and ‘The Poem of Hong Kong’, and they are analysed below:

你可知“妈港”不是我的真名姓？

我离开你襁褓太久了，母亲！

但是他们掳去的是我的肉体，

你依然保管着我内心的灵魂。

三百年来梦寐不忘的生母啊！

请叫儿的乳名，叫我一声“澳门”！

母亲！我要回来，母亲！

Text 1. Macao/Macau

1. Did you know that ‘Macao’ is not my real name?

2. I have been away from you for too long, mother!

3. But what they took away is only my body,

4. My soul is still kept by you.

5. Oh mother, I couldn’t forget you throughout these 300 years, not even in my sleep!

6. Please call me by my nickname, call me ‘Aomen’.

7. Mother! I want to return to you! Mother!

Macao was occupied and under Portuguese administration for 442 years, from 1557 to 1999. As demonstrated by its Portuguese spelling ‘Macau’, the colonizer’s control over Macao is reflected in its naming. As presented in Text 1, the original name of Macao is ‘澳门 Aomen’. The process of naming a colony in the colonizer’s language is a fundamental aspect of colonization (Ashcroft et al., 2006), implying control and domination over the mind of the colonized people. However, the line ‘Call me Aomen’ (in Chinese) in Line 6 of ‘The Poem of Macao’ rejects the Portuguese name and Portugal’s claim to sovereignty over Macao (Svensson et al., 2018). This highlights the author’s emphasis on China’s historical and ongoing territorial ownership of Macao.

Lines 2–5 in ‘The Poem of Macao’ depict the loyalty and longing of Macao to reunite with the motherland. The author uses a metaphor (Macao-China → child-mother relationship) to demonstrate the indissoluble bond between the two and to instil the belief in students that Macao undoubtedly belongs to China. The poem carries the message that the colonizer was unable to sever the inherent connection between China and Macao, that only the physical separation took place, but not the spiritual connection. Phrases such as ‘still kept by you’ and ‘I couldn’t forget you throughout these 300 years, not even in my sleep’ emphasize the idea that Macao belongs to China. The repetition of ‘for too long’ and ‘throughout these 300 years’ highlights Macao’s great sorrow over its prolonged separation from China and the need for Macao to return to its rightful sovereign, China (Liu, 2005).

我好比凤阙阶前守夜的黄豹，

母亲啊，我身份虽微，地位险要。

如今狞恶的海狮扑在我身上，

啖着我的骨肉，咽着我的脂膏;

母亲啊，我哭泣嚎啕，呼你不应。

母亲啊，快让我躲入你的怀抱！

母亲！我要回来，母亲！

Text 2. Hong Kong

1. I am like the yellow leopard guarding the night at the gate of the imperial palace,

2. Mother, I am small but with a strategic terrain …

3. Mother, I have been crying and wailing, I keep calling for you but you never respond.

4. Mother, let me hide in your arms!

5. Mother! I want to return to you! Mother!

The British occupied Hong Kong for 156 years (1841–1997) due to the unequal treaty signed by the Qing government after the Opium Wars. The poem of Hong Kong, as presented in Text 2, employs various strategies to convey the historical humiliation and the Chinese national identity. In Lines 1–2, the expressions, ‘yellow leopard guarding the night at the gate of the imperial palace’ and ‘small but with a strategic terrain’, highlight Hong Kong’s strategic importance in protecting China’s sovereignty and prosperity, and such expressions also convey its strong loyalty to China, inspiring national pride. In Lines 3–5, the textbook writers depict Hong Kong’s strong desire to return to China by using expressions such as ‘have been crying and wailing’, ‘keep calling for you’, ‘let me hide in your arms’, and ‘want to return to you’. The verb phrase ‘hide in your arms’ conveys the insecurity of being colonized by Britain, while ‘you don’t respond’ highlights the helplessness of Hong Kong and China’s inability to recover Hong Kong prior to 1997.

According to Xiong and Qian (2012), the repetition of the word ‘Mother’ in the final sentence of each poem, ‘Mother! I want to return to you! Mother!’, serves to emphasize the call to return to the motherland and reinforce Chinese national identity. Kaplan and Herb (2011) argue that territorial ideology plays a crucial role in the formation of national identity, and the textbook writers stress that the territorial sovereignties of Macao and Hong Kong are integral parts of Chinese national identity.

In general, the inclusion of excerpts from the ‘Song of Seven Sons’ in primary school textbooks aims to encourage students’ collective memory of China’s past humiliation. However, the return of Hong Kong and Macao to China in 1997 and 1999 respectively marks the end of this humiliation and is recorded as a proud victory for China over foreign colonization (Wang, 2008, p. 804). The intention of the textbook writers is to aid students in forming a Chinese national identity by portraying past humiliations and national pride (Wang, 2008, p. 803; W. Ye, 2016), while also teaching that domestic weakness and disunity could engender foreign invasion (Coble, 2007, p. 404).

Discussion

This study has examined the primary school textbooks used to instil a strong sense of patriotism, love for China, and national identity in Chinese students. The textbooks analysed depict China’s history of victimhood and humiliation, emphasizing the need to prevent such humiliations from occurring again. However, despite President Xi Jinping’s statement that the Chinese lack the ‘invasion gene’, the textbooks overlook the fact that the territory of the People’s Republic of China is based on the Qing conquest of non-Han Chinese areas (Vickers, 2022a). Additionally, the state has imposed strict surveillance and control over the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, portraying them as a minority group lacking Chinese national identity who pose a threat to China’s stability (Leibold, 2020; Tobin, 2020). The internal colonization of ethnic minorities is not mentioned in the textbooks.

The first research question examines the presence of foreign invaders in China and the struggle and resistance of the Chinese people against them. The most frequently depicted foreign invaders in the chosen texts, who are considered to be the main causes of humiliation and trauma, are the Japanese, followed by the British and Portuguese. The Japanese invasion of China took place in 1937, Hong Kong in 1941, and Taiwan in 1895. The massacre of over 300,000 Chinese citizens in Nanjing was attributed to the Japanese. In addition, the Japanese prohibited the use of the Chinese language and forced the Taiwanese people to learn Japanese. The Japanese are depicted as cruel and inhumane, as they were known to torture people, kill children, and force the Chinese artist Mei Lanfang to perform for their military victory. The current version of the textbook differs from the 2015 version, as it undermines the recognition of the heroes in the Korean War, e.g. their contributions in war efforts, anti-US sentiment, and aiding North Korean campaigns. The current version also avoids mentioning the name of the Korean War and only recounts a heroic story of Han Chinese soldiers. This change in content guides students to primarily focus on the anti-Japan viewpoint and learn about Han-centric heroism in order to foster a sense of patriotism.

The textbooks also portray other invaders such as the British, who occupied Hong Kong, and the Portuguese, who occupied Macao. Their occupations are depicted as cruel and they are accused of separating the ties between China’s territories, using the analogy of a mother and child for their colonial purposes. In response to such foreign invaders, the textbooks depict stories of resistance by Chinese citizens of various age groups, such as members of the Children’s Corps (Adongdanwon), Yulai, Wang Erxiao, the five soldiers, and the well-known artist Mei Lanfang. These individuals are portrayed as filled with patriotic spirit and willing to risk their lives for their nation. For example, Wang Erxiao and the five soldiers led the Japanese enemies to a dead end, while Mei Lanfang refused to perform for the Japanese and even risked his life with a typhoid immunization in order to avoid performing. These stories highlight their strong patriotism and self-sacrifice.

The second research question focuses on the construction of the ideal Chinese national identity and how it is conveyed through recurring characters in the textbooks.

The textbooks include narrations about traumatic events in China’s past, such as the Nanjing Massacre and the colonization of Hong Kong and Macao, in order to encourage students to remember China’s collective memory. This is done to ensure that students become patriotic citizens who never forget China’s traumatic history, remain vigilant against foreign invasions, and take action against them. This aligns with the directions of the PRC government, which emphasizes past humiliations and promotes a strong Chinese national identity and solidarity (Wang, 2008). The inclusion of texts about Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan in the textbooks serves to remind students that these regions were once places of foreign colonization. This stands in contrast to the current focus on ‘victory’ and the concept of One China.

The textbook writers portray two members of the Children’s Corps (Adongdanwon), Yulai and Wang Erxiao, the five soldiers, and Mei Lanfang, in order to encourage readers to follow these patriotic role models and the CCP’s revolutionary traditions and leadership. The textbooks aim to foster a stronger sense of patriotism and solidarity among students, and to emphasize that the nation’s destiny is more important than individual interests (Nasser, 2019).

Additionally, by depicting all Chinese characters as Han Chinese, the textbooks analysed in this study promote Han-centric ideals and marginalize the other 55 minorities in China. Zheng Chenggong and Sun Yatsen are portrayed as national heroes, but both fought against the Qing Empire, which was founded by the Manchurians. Overthrowing and resisting the Qing is depicted as patriotic behaviour. This phenomenon is more prominent in the current Morality and Rule of Law textbook. Rather than reform the Qing government, the textbooks depict the Qing as the target of overthrow and the enemy of Han China. Those who attempted to fight against the Qing are praised as ‘heroes’. Vickers’s (2022b) investigation of textbooks from the 1990s and 2000s shows the removal of the ‘national hero’ title from Chinggis Khan, a Mongolian who conquered territories for China. Instead, Yue Fei,⁴ a Han who fought with the Manchurians, is glorified with the ‘national hero’ title. This suggests that Han people are celebrated without recognizing the contributions of ethnic minorities. As a result, current trends encourage students to follow Han-centric nationalism, thereby marginalizing other minority groups.

The third research question analysed whose voices were silenced in the regions of Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan. The examination revealed that the internal history of these regions, including protests against the PRC regime and local identities, is not addressed in either language or morality and rule of law textbooks. This is due to the inclusion of only the times of cession and return to the PRC in the textbooks. However, W. Ye’s (2016) research on Hong Kong Chinese history textbooks suggests that Hong Kong has a preference for forming its local identity, rather than that of Mainland China. People in Macao have also developed their unique local identity (Lou, 2021). Despite this, the PRC-centric national identity for Hong Kong and Macao has been reinforced since 2020, with the issuance of the new National Security Law. This law emphasizes that the ‘One Country’ (PRC-centric identity) is a pre-condition for the ‘Two Systems’, meaning that Hong Kong and Macao must prioritize their PRC-centric national identity (Vickers, 2022b, pp. 166–167). Clark and Tan (2012) found that from 1992 to 2010, the percentage of Taiwan’s citizens who identified as Taiwanese increased from 20% to 55%, while those who recognized themselves as Chinese decreased from 28% to 3%. However, by only focusing on the era of Taiwan’s liberation from Japan in 1945, the analysed textbooks exclude Taiwan’s current trends, its voices, its cultural diversity (indigenous people), its internal colonization by the Japanese and Kuomintang. While people in Taiwan, particularly the Kuomintang, pursue ‘One China’, their identity is different from that of the PRC due to differences in historical, social, and political development (Hall, 1990).

There has been a significant reduction in the content about Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan in current textbooks (from 0.79% to 0.56%). The only text related to Taiwan pertains to a Taiwanese teacher’s patriotism and loyalty to China, implying that Taiwan is a part of China. Despite this, the current textbooks exclude texts depicting Hong Kong’s development and its return to China in 1997. Instead, they introduce the ‘Songs of Seven Sons’, which highlights Hong Kong and Macao’s close relationship with China in line with the One China policy, where the national security law has been implemented (Vickers, 2022b).

The analysis of the textbooks in this study supports Curdt-Christiansen’s (2008) conclusion that students are encouraged through textbooks to adopt PRC-endorsed patriotism and ideologies. Similar to the Chinese history textbooks that have been analysed (A. Ye, 2016; P. Zhang & Lu, 2018; Sneider, 2013), the texts in this study promote collective memories about China’s past humiliations, including traumatic events such as the Nanjing Massacre and the colonization of Hong Kong and Macao. Students are taught to remember China’s past as a victim (Han, 2013) and to celebrate its victory over foreign invaders. They are encouraged to have faith in the CCP’s leadership (W. Ye, 2016), to be vigilant against foreign invasions, and to remain united in order to act in the future (Kitaoka, 2011).

P. Zhang and Lu (2018) also noted the inadequate content about Hong Kong, Macao, ethnic minority groups, and Dongbei (Manchurian) province in the textbooks. This study highlights that the Manchurian people are the most omitted group, as the emphasis is placed on heroes who overthrew or opposed the Qing dynasty. This neglects the fact that the Manchurians actually expanded Chinese territory the most (Li, 2008).

The content regarding China’s past humiliations in textbooks in Hong Kong (W. Ye, 2016) and Taiwan (Huang & Chen, 2019) often reflects the local identity (not the entire Chinese territorial identity), and past history is told apolitically. However, the textbooks analysed in this study promote the PRC’s territorial sovereignty, the CCP’s ruling ideologies and national identity, and assert that Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao are integral parts of China.

Conclusion

The study focused on the description of foreign invaders in Chinese language textbooks in use in 2022. The findings indicate that the foreign invaders of China depicted in these textbooks include the Japanese, British, and Portuguese. These foreign powers are all associated with past humiliations experienced by China. Among them, the Japanese are depicted as the most inhumane, with their actions leading to the tragic Nanjing Massacre where over 300,000 people lost their lives. The colonization of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao also form part of China’s past humiliations. Through these depictions of past collective memory, the textbooks aim to foster Chinese national identity by encouraging students to have a clear understanding of their nation’s history of past humiliations, instilling patriotism and a sense of vigilance against foreign invasions, and promoting a readiness to sacrifice for their country and prioritize the national interests of the People’s Republic of China. The textbooks also emphasize the importance of territorial sovereignty (One China concept as Chinese citizens), including Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao, and encourage students to follow the leadership and directions of the PRC government (CCP). Additionally, there is a shift from a focus on past victimhood to a focus on victory over foreign invasions, and the textbooks analysed are all Han-centric. Further investigation is required to address the limitations of the present study.

Implications and limitations

The People’s Republic of China aims to cultivate a unified Chinese national identity across mainland Han-dominated China, Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and non-Han regions (ethnic minorities). However, while the Han-dominated regions experienced colonization by Western powers, ethnic minorities are also facing ‘internal colonization’ by Han people (Vickers, 2022b). Despite President Xi’s rhetoric on the equality of all ethnic groups (People’s Daily, 2021), these efforts tend to be focused on assimilation into a Han-centric state, which has been intensifying under Xi’s regime. The president’s catchphrase ‘The Chinese Dream’ also emphasizes ‘China’s outstanding traditional culture’ from a Han perspective (Vickers, 2022a). The perspectives and experiences of minority groups and their internal colonization by Han people are often silenced. Hence, it is important for educators and teachers using these textbooks to introduce more characters from minority groups and highlight their cultural and historical distinctiveness.

The study only examined Chinese language textbooks for primary schools in mainland China, making it necessary for further research to be conducted. This should include a diverse range of subjects such as history textbooks and textbooks on morality and the rule of law, as well as textbooks used in different grade levels (e.g. middle and high school). Moreover, including information and content from different ethnic minorities in China would be beneficial. Conducting interviews with teachers and students to understand how they use and respond to the content of the textbooks would also provide valuable insights for future investigations.

Acknowledgment

The authors thank anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the University of Queensland library.

Notes

1. 2–1 means year 2 semester 1. This rule applied hereafter.

2. Before the establishment of the PRC, the Children’s Corps was founded to fight for communists in the revolution and in the anti-Japanese war (H. Zhang, 2010).

3. The name ‘Great East Asia’ was made to glorify and conceal Japan’s aggressive invasion in China and other countries.

4. Yue Fei fought against Jin, which was founded by Manchurian.