Abstract
Neoliberalism was the hegemonic political and economic model in Latin America during the 1990s. The promotion of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) was a fundamental policy to extend neoliberal policies and foreign influence throughout the region. In a momentum built throughout that decade and into the 2000s, the trade union movement joined forces with social movements to create a counterhegemonic force using traditional and novel power resources. This alliance managed to defeat the FTAA and was a central force in supporting new center-left administrations throughout the region. The developments since that historic event have shown the relevance of political contexts and strategic outlooks for the long-term success in maintaining, or failing to maintain, such kinds of alliances.
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the Transnational Labour Group at Centre for Advanced Study in Oslo for organizing the workshop on “Labour and transnational action in times of crisis” at which a first draft of this paper was presented. I also thank the anonymous reviewers and Catherine O'Dea for their suggestions.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
17. The situation of employment and labor markets changed significantly in favor of the service sector, within which the working conditions were considerably worse than those in manufacturing jobs, especially in the main industrial countries – Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina. For a detailed analysis, see CitationWeller, “Employment Trends.” The situation began to change from the mid-2000s onwards, with the process of economic growth, as shown in a recent CitationECLAC report, Compacts for Equality.
23.CitationEtchemendy, “Old Actors in New Markets” and Etchemendy, Models of Economic Liberalization.
30. The corporatist model of trade unionism in Latin America has been widely discussed (see Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena; CitationMurillo, Sindicatos, coalitions partidarias y reformas; CitationEtchemendy, Models of Economic Liberalization). It is here understood as a system in which unions access policy-making and systems of representation through alliances with the ruling party, and in some cases with sectors of the business community.
33. Alvaro Garcia Linera is a Bolivian intellectual, currently the Vice President of Bolivia. His most relevant works refer to the collective struggles against neoliberalism, state repressions, and indigenous emancipation (see CitationGarcia Linera, Críticas de la nación, Las armas de la utopía, Sociología de los movimientos sociales).
40. Regarding the Evo Morales government, see CitationGarcia Linera, Las tensiones creativas and La potencia plebeya.
70. Author's interview with CTA organizer Andrés Larisgoitia, 29 December 2011 (own translation).
73. As with most free trade agreements, all the parties have to agree to it in order to apply the agreement. This made it especially challenging for FTAA and its main backers after the early 2000s when governments of a different political orientation were elected to office.
82. Expressed during a 2014 South American trade unions coordinating meeting by a representative in conversation with the author.
91. Interview with Adolfo Aguirre, 15 December 2011 (own translation).
100. Boron, “Strategy and Tactics in Popular Struggles,” 246.
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Notes on contributors
Bruno Dobrusin
Bruno Dobrusin is a doctoral scholar at the Argentine Council for Science and Technical Research (CONICET), based at the Centre for Labor Research (CEIL) in Buenos Aires. He is also an advisor in international relations at the Argentine Workers' Confederation (CTA).