Innovation and Collapse: Bucket-Shaped Pottery and Metalwork in the Terminal Migration Period

Abstract

In this article we focus on the third and final production phase for the distinct and atypical bucket-shaped pottery in south-west Norway, during the last decades of the Migration Period in the 6th century ad. The culmination of a unique progression that probably extended nearly two centuries, this phase is characterized by high-quality ceramics and metal handcraft. The two craft types had broadly similar trajectories, but eventually it seems only potting disappeared. We explore specific links between production modes for bucket-shaped pots, contemporary ceramic types and high-quality metal and glass objects. The approach combines recently analysed archaeometric data with sophisticated ethnographic understanding of the dynamics of paste recipes among potters, while also reviving and refining the astute conclusion by Haakon Shetelig (1905) dating back more than a century. We argue that knowledge transmission for high-quality bucket-shaped potting emanated from certain contexts which included artisans working in gold, silver and bronze. These workshops functioned as creative nodes, developing most of the new craft techniques in the 6th century. Consequently, the peak period and eventual demise of terminal Migration Period high-quality bucket-shaped potting cannot be viewed in isolation from the production modes of Style I animal art.

Keywords:

• Migration Period
• technological innovation
• cross-craft perspective
• ceramics
• metalworking
• Style I
• south-west Norway

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The archaeometric analyses in this study were conducted as part of the Scientific Archaeological Laboratory Studies (SALS) initiative at the Museum of Archaeology, University of Stavanger. We are grateful to Lotte Hedeager for insightful comments on an earlier manuscript version. We also thank four anonymous commentators, a member of the editorial board and three reviewers, for their constructive and inspiring readings. Of course, any omissions or errors are solely our responsibility.

Notes

¹ This understanding should most probably be revised, as an increasing number of bucket-shaped vessels are identified in central Sweden (e.g. Eriksson 2013). An example is also known from Jutland, Denmark (Kleppe 1993).

² The ceramic type is found in graves, dwelling houses, boathouses, caves and rock shelters. It is also a common ceramic type in East and North Norway.

³ ‘[S]elve arbeidets karakter er saa rutinered haandverksmæssig, især ved de senere former, at man ikke kan tenke paa en smaaindustri, drevet paa hver gaard til eget husbehov. De gode kar ialfald maa være laget af folk, som havde gjort denne tilvirkning til levevei og drev den – man kunde fristes til at sige – fabrikmæssig. Man maa snarest tænke sig, at der har været verksteder for denne tilvirkning paa nogle enkelte steder, hvor der var tilgang paa det bedste material, og at varerne derfra blev ført ud over de forskjellige distrikter’ (Shetelig 1905, p. 91).

⁴ Since Shetelig’s seminal work from 1905 research has branched into two broad directions: 1) the ceramic type’s provenance and the cultural identity of makers and user; 2) regionality and varying degrees of specialized production (for recent overviews, see Fredriksen 2005, 2006, Engevik 2008, Kristoffersen and Magnus 2010). In the identity debate arguments supporting a northern Fennoskandian origin for bucket-shaped pots rest on the inclusion of asbestos in the fabric (Jørgensen 1988, p. 63, Engevik 2008, pp. 130–133).

⁵ A notable exception is, however, the temporal trajectory of one particular form of black ware which differs from all others. The buckelurne is present in the very latest Migration Period graves, often in rich burials. Typical examples are Skjerpe and Nerhus (Bøe 1931, fig. 222, Myhre 2007, fig. 12).

⁶ Ann Stout dates the end of handled vessels, the most common black ware type, to ad 500 (Stout 1986, see table on p. 51), and thereby to the turn to our Phase III. Handled pots, and indeed black-ware vessels in general apart from the Buckelurnen, seem to disappear from graves together with cruciform brooches (Kristoffersen 1999, 2000, Kristoffersen and Magnus 2010, figs 16 –19, see also fig. 6) and production therefore probably ceases around ad 500, at least for south-west and west Norway (Rogaland, Hordaland and Sogn & Fjordane). Only in rare and exceptional cases do black-ware vessels occur in graves dated to the 6th century. The ceramic type is very rarely found in Phase III combinations, with late bucket-shaped pots, with relief brooches in Stadium 6 or with late equal armed brooches or other objects that seem contemporary with them. Also, the same case can be made for the combination of black ware and weapons in the Snartemo and Nerhus groups (Bemmann and Hahne 1994, pp. 526 –548), but this combination is, at least occasionally, found in the preceding Vestly-Øvsthus phase which ends at the turn to the 6th century.

⁷ Sverre Johnsen’s early microscopic and thermal examination of six Migration Period vessels (Johnsen in Bøe 1931, pp. 238–241) should not be overlooked.

⁸ The archaeometric analyses are preliminary and thus still not comprehensive. Consequently, the available set of data referred to in this study does not form their basis, as they are not yet statistically quantifiable. At this stage in our research the archaeometric data have merely been informative for new ways to look at existing archaeological material. A total of 51 sherds of bucket-shaped pots have been analysed, predominantly from grave contexts. Sherds from all three phases are included. All vessels are from the county of Rogaland, mainly sampled from areas where local production of pottery was expected.

⁹ Samples from two different vessels dated to the late Migration Period exceed lethal quantities. For example, the arsenic level in the sample from S6754f from Obrestad, Hå, Jæren, was 325.7 ppm (parts per million). The high arsenic levels are perhaps an indication of metalworking involving bronze. However, more archaeometric data are needed, and it remains for future analysis to clarify and explore the practical use of arsenic and/or its symbolic significance in burial contexts.

¹⁰ See Richards (1987) for examples from Anglo-Saxon cremation burials.

¹¹ No skeletal remains were preserved. The deceased was buried with objects belonging to the male sphere (Hanisch 2001). Based on the artefact distribution, he lay on his back with the head close the western gable, face turned east. A shield was found behind the head (1), probably leaning against the western gable. Next to the head was a strike-a-light (3), a whetstone (4), scissors (6) and two small knives (5) and closer to the south wall a bundle of arrowheads (7). The deceased was probably carrying his sword (10) which was found, together with a larger knife (11), where the middle section of his body would have been. On top of the upper part of the sword was a small piece of circular gold foil (9), and close to the sword a bronze clasp with Style I decorated gilded silver buttons (14–15) as well as a gold finger ring (12). Due to the occurrence of just the one clasp the excavator has suggested that it had fastened a textile belt, a tablet of woven fabric (8 cm wide), which was found connected to the clasp. A bronze cauldron of the Westland type (17) and a set of bronze tweezers (16) were located close to the deceased’s feet, and further towards the eastern gable: a glass vessel with a decorated silver foil (20), two pots, of black ware and bucket-shaped type (18 and 21), a wooden container (19), two spearheads (22–23) and, finally, the goldsmithing tools (24–33).

¹² The excavator suggests that the tools were placed in some form of container, a casket or a small chest, although no traces of such was documented. In addition, this secluded cist section included two spearheads, both pointing to the east.

¹³ A centrally situated cist, reportedly containing cremated bones, was found in the same mound, but destroyed, during the 19th century.

¹⁴ On the nearby Oma farm was a large gold find (518.3 g gold), mostly as rods with a few finger rings (C18265–70), thus indicating a goldsmith’s hoard.

¹⁵ The amount of gold in the sample was 662 ppm (Zimmermann et al. in prep.).