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ABSTRACT
The semantics of cultural diversity, based on the political discourses of immigration as they appear in integration and anti-racist policies in Andalusia, underline the sense of Otherness of immigrant groups. In this article, Castaño, Martínez and Periáñez focus on the most relevant texts in the Planes Integrales para la Inmigración en Andalucía (Comprehensive Plans for Immigration in Andalusia). To date, these texts have formed the most significant discursive framework for representations of the third sector, trade unions and public agencies involved in the management of diversity. The key ideas in the plans revolve around transnational political references in the context of the European Union (EU). They impose a sense of Europeanness on Andalusia that is in opposition to its historical heritage, endogenous diversity and cultural specificity, and thus steer the imaginary of Andalusia's identity towards a Eurocentric idea that enhances the region's peripheral position. Immigration is regarded in the hegemonic media discourse and the social imaginary as a risk and a social problem. Integration policies, despite being couched in anti-racist rhetoric, are specifically targeted at immigrants, further enhancing the idea of Otherness. The notion of interculturality is the leitmotiv of these policies. In practical terms, however, action is limited to empty measures in the field of education. These policies, in sum, neutralize, rather than reinforce, the sense of equality on which interculturality is based. The examination of the intertextuality of Andalusian, Spanish and European discourses reveals the conformity of the discourse of Andalusia's coloniality within the framework of the EU.
Notes
1 These policies are generally encompassed under the acronym PIPIA (Plan Integral Para la Inmigración en Andalucía). There have been two stages of development: I PIPIA 2001–4 and II PIPIA 2006–9.
2 The PIPIAs played a significant role in consolidating social policies on migration in Andalusia. This role was implemented through an annual funding system regulated by the measures included in the PIPIA's so-called ‘Area of action 8’. This system was in operation between 2002 and 2010, after which time the budget for these policies fell sharply.
3 Marked by their culture, native who are members of ethnic minorities are categorized as gitanos, moros, negros and indios, representing the Otherness of those not capable of being integrated, always perceived as objects of intervention and not political subjects.
4 The Spanish budgets for 2012 and 2013 dedicated €0 to the Fondo de Integración de la Inmigración (Fund for the Integration of Immigrants), which finances local actions in Andalusia in this field. The development of the III PIPIA (Junta de Andalucía/Regional Government) is currently frozen, and the actions set forth in the II PIPIA 2006–9 remain in force. The III PIPIA (III Plan Integral para la Inmigración en Andalucía Horizonte 2016) was not published until 2 September 2014 and its implementation runs to the end of 2016, and is therefore not part of this analysis.
5 Data for emigration from Spain since 2010 indicate that most emigrants are foreign-born. According to the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE, National Statistics Institute), in 2010, 403,013 persons emigrated, of whom 39,537 were Spanish-born. In 2011, 507,740 emigrants left Spain, of whom 62,469 were Spanish-born.
6 For discrimination and social segregation in El Ejido, see Francisco Checa (ed.), El Ejido, la ciudad-cortijo: Claves socioeconómicas del conflicto étnico (Barcelona: Icaria 2001), and Ubaldo Martínez Veiga, El Ejido: Discriminación, exclusion social y racismo (Madrid: La Catarata 2001).
7 Joaquín Arango, ‘Dificultades y dilemas de la política de inmigración’, Arbor (online), vol. 181, no. 713, 2005, 17–25, available at http://arbor.revistas.csic.es/index.php/arbor/article/view/439/440 (viewed 1 December 2016).
8 Claudia Finotelli, ‘Italia, España y el modelo migratorio mediterráneo europeo en el siglo XXI’, Área: Demografía, Población y Migraciones Internacionales ARI (online), no. 58, 28 May 2007, available on the Core website at https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/42965869.pdf (viewed 1 December 2016).
9 Ana Arriba González de Durana, Francisco Javier Moreno Fuentes and Luís Moreno Fernández (eds), Foro tercer sector: Inmigración, gestión de la diversidad y tercer sector social (Madrid: Fundación Luís Vives 2007), 27.
10 The original webpage at http://www.juntadeandalucia.es/organismos/empleoempresaycomercio/sae/areas.html has not been available since September 2014 when III PIPIA was published. Translations from the Spanish, unless otherwise stated, are by the authors.
11 Susana Alba, Ana Fernández Asperilla and Ubaldo Martínez, ‘Crisis económica y nuevo panorama migratorio en España’, Colección Estudios, no. 65, June 2013, 5–58 (9).
12 The data from INE reveal a negative trend, from a total population of 47,129,783 on 1 January 2013 to 46,725,164 on 1 January 2014. The number of foreign nationals dropped from 5,546,238 to 5,000,258 in the same period.
13 Manuel Jaén García and Laura Piedra Muñoz, ‘La fiscalidad de la inmigración en Andalucía’, Revista de Estudios Regionales, no. 89, 2010, 141–82.
14 Along the lines proposed by Michel Foucault (Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (London: Penguin Books 1991)), Jesús Ibáñez claims that in the capitalist system the application of knowledge is relevant. This is translated into the creation of areas of application (prisons, factories, hospitals) and areas of explanation (schools, universities). The interaction between power and knowledge resides in the articulation between explanation and application. Explanation adapts to application and is, therefore, limited to those areas in which it may be applied, which excludes any kind of global perspective and reduces competency to the bare minimum necessary to carry out the prescribed actions. Jesús Ibáñez, Del algoritmo al sujeto: Perspectivas de la investigación social (Madrid: Siglo XXI 1985), 59–61.
15 I Primer Plan Integral para la Inmigración en Andalucía (I PIPIA) (Seville: Consejería de Gobernación, Dirección General de Coordinación de Políticas Migratorias 2001), 3, available on the Junta de Andalucia website at www.juntadeandalucia.es/export/drupaljda/1_1843_i_plan_inmigracion.pdf (viewed 1 December 2016).
16 Ibid., 4.
17 Ibid., 2.
18 Around this time, several studies analysed the living and working conditions of immigrants in agricultural areas. At a political level, the conditions of agricultural day-labourers and the educational problems that their children were experiencing were presented in a number of reports issued in 1997 by the Andalusian regional parliament and the Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz (regional ombudsman); in addition, two reports on the housing conditions of immigrants in Almeria and Huelva were issued in 2001.
19 David Theo Goldberg, ‘Racial Europeanization’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 29, no. 2, 2006, 331–64 (354).
20 Governance in Andalusia is postmodern in so far as it has not rejected the (re)construction of internal coloniality that, in the context of the transition to democracy, was proposed from the perspective of the modernity of state centralism. Andalusian politics have moved along pre-established axes of periphericity, the silencing of its ethnicity and the dissolution of the memory of historical Andalucism. Within the framework of this rhetoric and praxis, postmodern politics in Andalusia have mistaken participative democracy for consensus with the policies set forth by the political agents who dominate power networks and assume social representation. The preamble of the PIPIA conveys the legitimizing praxis that confirms this consensus.
21 As an illustration, the I PIPIA (2–3) says that ‘this is the only possible approach if an authentic integration of the immigrant and local population is to be achieved … it is a positive approach in which voluntary and rational integration is the key to adding, instead of fragmenting, value. It is obvious but should be stressed that this is the model that this Plan aims to follow.’
22 For a critique of the political discourse of the ‘second modernization’ of Andalusia, see Isidoro Moreno, ‘La “segunda modernización” de Andalucía: Discursos y prácticas del neoliberalismo en una sociedad de la periferia del centro’, in La Globalización y los Derechos Humanos: IV Jornadas Internacionales de Derechos Humanos (Sevilla, 2003) (Seville: Talasa 2004), 317–57.
23 Manuel Pezzi Careto, Andalucía Segunda Modernización: Estrategias y Propuestas (Seville: Consejería de Presidencia Junta de Andalucía 2003).
24 Consejería de Economía y Hacienda, Programa Andaluz de Desarrollo Económico 1987–1990 (Seville: Junta de Andalucía 1988), and Consejería de Economía y Hacienda, Programa Andaluz de Desarrollo Económico 1991–1994 (Seville: Junta de Andalucía 1991).
25 I PIPIA, 164.
26 Ibid., 163.
27 Edward Said, Orientalism (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1978), 39–40.
28 Ley Orgánica 7/1985, available on the Noticias Juridicas website at http://noticias.juridicas.com/base_datos/Derogadas/r0-lo7-1985.html (viewed 2 December 2016).
29 This is the case, for example, in: Article 18, Ley Orgánica 7/1985; Article 18, Real Decreto 2393/2004; and Exposición de Motivos de la ley 2/2.009. These legal dispositions are complemented by other documents and measures, such as Orden TAS/1713/2005, de 3 de junio, which regulates the composition, jurisdiction and operational guidelines for a committee on immigration and labour.
30 I PIPIA, 3.
31 Zygmunt Bauman, ‘Foreword: On being light and liquid’, Liquid Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press/ New Malden, MA: Blackwell 2000), 1–15 (2).
32 I PIPIA, 68.
33 Ibid., 2.
34 Ibid., 4.
35 Ibid., 66, and 2 Plan Integral para la Inmigración en Andalucía 2006–9 (II PIPIA) (Seville: Consejería de Gobernación, Dirección General de Coordinación de Políticas Migratorias 2006), 145–7. Available on the Junta de Andalucia website at www.juntadeandalucia.es/export/drupaljda/1_1841_ii_plan_inmigracion_0_0.pdf (viewed 1 December 2016).
36 Teresa Bravo Dueñas, ‘I Plan Integral para la Inmigración en Andalucía (España)’, paper delivered at the ‘Concurso Internacional de Buenas Prácticas’, Dubai, 2004, details available on the Habitat website at http://habitat.aq.upm.es/bpes/onu04/bp1222.html (viewed 13 December 2016).
37 M. M. Bakhtin, Speech Genres and Other Late Essays, trans. from the Russian by Vern McGee, ed. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press 1992), 106–8; Julia Kristeva, Semiotiké: recherches pour une sémanalyse (Paris: Éditions du Seuil 1969), 84–5.
38 Barnor Hesse, ‘Lineages of raceocracy’, presentation delivered at conference, ‘Conocimiento del racismo’, Seville, 22 February 2013, video available on the Televisión Online Universidad de Sevilla website at http://tv.us.es/lineages-de-raceocracy-jornadas-internacionales-conocimiento-del-racismo (viewed 3 December 2016).
39 Fernando Carlos Ruiz Morales, Andalucía en la escuela: La conciencia silenciada (Seville: Mergablum 2003), 188–9; and also Fernando Carlos Ruiz Morales, Educando para la Globalización: Una mirada desde Andalucía (Seville: Fundación Blas Infante 2006), 291–2. Ruiz claims that the ethnic conscience of Andalusians has been eroded by education, and analyses the alienating and assimilationist role played in this regard by educational policies during the democratic period, and the political silencing of the ethnonational confrontation between different Spanish ethnicities.
40 I PIPIA, 65.
41 II PIPIA, 106.
42 Hesse, ‘Lineages of raceocracy’.
43 This is readily understood once the semantics conveyed by the legal texts under consideration are examined: Ley 9/1999, de 18 de noviembre, de Solidaridad en la Educación (art. 2.2), which categorizes intercultural education alongside remedial lessons, following the example of Real Decreto 1174/1983 de igualdad de oportunidades y resultados escolares; Ley Orgánica 1/1990, de 3 de octubre, de Ordenación General del Sistema Educativo (LOGSE), which aims to compensate inequality in education, later amended by Ley Orgánica 2/2006, de 3 de mayo, de Educación (LOE); Ley 17/2007, de 10 de diciembre, de Educación de Andalucía (art. 113), later ratified by Orden de 25 de julio de 2008, ‘which regulates attention to diversity of the students in public primary schools in Andalusia’ (Boletín Oficial de la Junta de Andalucía, no. 167, 22 August 2008, 7).
44 Ibáñez, Del algoritmo al sujeto, 59–61.
45 Ángeles Castaño and Fernando Martínez, ‘The meaning of interculturality in public schools in Andalusia (Spain): discourses and practices’, International Journal of Diversity in Education, vol. 12, no. 3, 2013, 119–29 (122).
46 Boaventura de Sousa Santos and María Paula Meneses, ‘Introdução’, in Boaventura de Sousa Santos and María Paula Meneses (eds), Epistemologias do sul (Coimbra: Almedina 2009), 9–19 (13–18).
47 Catherine Walsh, Interculturalidad, Estado, Sociedad: Luchas (De)coloniales de Nuestra Época (Quito: Ediciones Abya-Yala 2009), 232.
48 Estatuto de Autonomía para Andalucía: Ley Orgánica 2/2007, de 19 de marzo, de Reforma del Estatuto de Autonomía para Andalucía (Seville: Centro de Publicaciones no Oficiales, Parlamento de Andalucía 2009), 7.
49 Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Para descolonizar Occidente: Más allá del pensamiento abismal (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2010), 11–12.
50 Walsh, Interculturalidad, Estado, Sociedad, 232.
51 Estatuto de Autonomía para Andalucía, 7.
52 Ibid., 7–8.
53 See I PIPIA, 21.
54 Barnor Hesse and S. Sayyid, ‘Narrating the postcolonial political and the immigrant imaginary’, in N. Ali, V. S. Karla and S. Sayyid (eds), A Postcolonial People: South Asians in Britain (London: Hurst 2006), 13–31 (13–15).
55 Ibid., 22–3.
56 Data from INE indicate that, in January 2014, 221,268 Andalusians were living abroad.
57 In this regard, policies are progressing at a slower pace than reality, but the media increases the visibility of these situations. There are no official data but, according to the Bloomberg news agency (which specializes in economic and financial news), Spanish immigration in Morocco increased by 32 per cent between 2008 and 2013: see Angeline Benoit and Souhail Karam, ‘Spaniards fleeing jobless scourge seek jobs in Morocco’, 28 August 2013, available on the Bloomberg website at www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-08-27/spaniards-fleeing-jobless-scourge-seek-jobs-in-morocco-economy (viewed 6 December 2016).
58 This concept is used in the I PIPIA in the definition of African immigrants: ‘If we analyse the distribution of foreigners according to nationality [outside the EU], especially economic immigrants, it should be noted that the majority of them, in all Andalusian provinces, are of African origin’ (I PIPIA, 30). We believe that this feedback between political, academic and media discourses and representations in postmodern governance is highly significant. In this regard, Zygmunt Bauman points out that the media and political representation of ‘economic migrants’ turns them into ‘residual human beings’, a ‘by-product of economic modernization’ within the context of globalization: Zygmunt Bauman, Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge: Polity Press/ Oxford and New Malden, MA: Blackwell 2004), 80–1.
59 Alba, Fernández and Martínez, ‘Crisis económica y nuevo panorama migratorio en España’, 14.
60 The programme known as Plan Greco is the Programa Global de Regulación y Coordinación de la Extranjería y la Inmigración en España (Comprehensive Programme for the Regulation and Coordination of Immigration in Spain). The document, issued 27 April 2001, states, in article 3 of chapter III, entitled ‘Regulación de los flujos migratorios para garantizar la convivencia en la sociedad española’ (Regulation of migratory flux for peaceful coexistence in Spanish society) the following: ‘Legal entry, residence permit, job contract, social rights, family reunification, integration and multicultural coexistence are … a virtuous circle that the government aspires to achieve.’
61 Juan Carlos Monedero, ‘Conciencia de frontera: La teoría crítica posmoderna de Boaventura de Sousa Santos’, in Boaventura de Sousa Santos, El milenio huérfano: Ensayos para una nueva cultura política (Madrid: Trotta 2005), 15–96 (27).
62 Ibid., 27, 28, 28.
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Ángeles Castaño
Ángeles Castaño is a member of the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Seville. In recent years, she has contributed research to the projects TOLERACE (The Semantics of Tolerance and (Anti-)Racism in Europe: Public Bodies and Civil Society on a Comparative Perspective, 2010–13, see the introduction to this special issue); and Patrimonio cultural e Interculturalidad: Nuevos sentidos en los procesos de patrimonialización en Andalucía (2014). Among her recent publications are: (with Erica Bredy) ‘Inmigration processes in Seville, the management of diversity and public policies’ (in Marcelo Balbo, Ahmet Içduigu and Julio Pérez Serrano (eds), Countries of Migrants, Cities of Migrants: Italy, Spain, Turkey, Isis Press 2013); and (with Fernando Martínez Cabezudo), ‘The meaning of interculturality in public schools in Andalusia (Spain): discourses and practices’ (International Journal of Diversity in Education, 2013). She is a member (2014–16) of the UNESCO Chair in Cultural Diversity, Gender and Borders at the Universidade Federal Grande Dourados in Brazil. Email: [email protected]
Fernando Martínez
Fernando Martínez is Associate Professor in the Department of Philosophy of Law at the University of Pablo de Olavide in Seville. In recent years, he has worked on the research projects TOLERACE (The Semantics of Tolerance and (Anti-)Racism in Europe: Public Bodies and Civil Society on a Comparative Perspective, 2010–13, see the introduction to this special issue); and Restricción de Contenido y Censura Digital (University Pablo de Olavide). Since 2012, he has also been a member of the research group Derechos Humanos: Teoría General (SEJ277) at the University of Pablo de Olavide. Email: [email protected]
Iván Periáñez
Iván Periáñez is a member of the Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Seville. In recent years, he has worked on the research project TOLERACE (The Semantics of Tolerance and (Anti-)Racism in Europe: Public Bodies and Civil Society on a Comparative Perspective, 2010–13, see the introduction to this special issue). He has a contract awarded by the Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deportes (Spain) for the project ‘Ayudas para contratos predoctorales de Formación del Profesorado Universitario’ (2013–17). Email: [email protected]