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Articles

Regional Differences in Educational Achievement among Swedish Grade 9 Students

Pages 610-625 | Received 14 May 2020, Accepted 23 Feb 2021, Published online: 18 Mar 2021

ABSTRACT

The current article examined educational achievement at lower-secondary level in Sweden (Grade 9), using grades and national test results (NTR) as the dependent variables. Linear regressions and bivariate correlations indicated that the proportion of highly-educated individuals in each municipality was positively associated with grades and NTR and that the proportion of welfare recipients and non-natives, as well as rural location, had negative associations. In relation to two case studies with fewer observations, teacher certification rates were more strongly correlated with higher achievement measures. Overall, the NTR of Swedish as a second language (SVA) pupils lowered the overall results in most municipalities. For instance, in low-performing municipalities the native students’ NTR was virtually identical to that of the “high-performing” or “best” municipalities when SVA scores were removed. Thus, it seems misguided to highlight “successful” school municipalities whose performance is only average.

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Introduction

When measuring, describing, and eventually explaining educational achievement among Swedish pupils at lower-secondary level, four standardized procedures are typically used to evaluate them: grades, national tests, international tests (e.g., TIMSS, PIRLS, PISA), and specific tests constructed by researchers (Björklund et al., Citation2010; Holmlund et al., Citation2019). While all these assessments have their set of strengths and weaknesses (Lundahl, Citation2014), grades—especially non-self-reported grades (Kuncel et al., Citation2005)—are powerful because they are the result of both cognitive and non-cognitive abilities and are predictive of individuals’ future life course (Borghans et al., Citation2016), often seemingly linked to socio-economic status and cultural capital at the individual, family, and school level (e.g., Myrberg & Rosén, Citation2009).

Siris, the statistics database of the Swedish ministry of education, Skolverket, allows grades to be matched and compared with national test results in several subjects at Grade 9, at both the municipal and school level. The specific characteristics of Siris make it possible to assess schools, although individual students within those schools are not revealed due to standard ethical guidelines. Both descriptive and potentially explanatory data can be found at SCB (Sweden Statistics), such as the proportion of welfare recipients and highly-educated inhabitants.

While Holmlund et al. (Citation2019), Böhlmark and Lindahl (Citation2015), Björklund et al. (Citation2010), and Gustafsson and Yang Hansen (Citation2018) have, in part, taken a similar approach in their reports on Swedish pupils’ academic performance, no previous study has used a municipality perspective. Many “exceptional” municipalities—whether strongly or poorly performing—are overlooked in these studies and readers do not have specific information regarding which these are. Moreover, these reports do not build on a specific theoretical framework.

The current cross-sectional study adds to the understanding of educational achievement at lower-secondary level in Sweden, specifically Grade 9 in 2019. It begins with correlational and regression analyses at the national-regional level, covering 288 municipalities in Sweden for which Siris and Sweden Statistics (SCB) data exists. Besides typical explanatory variables related to socio-economic status (SES), demographic composition (proportion of natives and non-natives), and teacher certification ratio (TCR) in each municipality, a novel approach focused on geographical distance is introduced. Then, 8–10 high-performing and 10 low-performing municipalities are compared using similar analytical procedures. A second case study of municipalities and schools at the middling level of the performance spectrum is also conducted. This level of analysis also includes a few specific schools and comparisons between end-term grades and national test results and briefly discusses gender and native/non-native differences. This adds a qualitative dimension to the quantitative analysis, as well as more precision. The aim is not to make inferences about individual achievement, as the methodological approach does not allow for such interpretations, but to identify descriptive and explanatory patterns at the national and regional (municipality) and, to a lesser extent, school level. Moreover, with regard to discourses concerning “failed” and “successful” school municipalities (e.g., Lärarförbundet, Citation2019a, Citation2019b), some critical comparisons will be made.

The following research questions are addressed:

RQ1: What factors are associated with high- and low-grade levels at the municipality level?

RQ2: Are these associations stronger or weaker when low-performing and high-performing municipalities are highlighted?

RQ3: What relationships exist between grades and national test results?

The article proceeds with a background section that briefly sketches the contours of the contemporary Swedish educational context, a literature review, a theoretical framework section, a method and data section, results, and a conclusive discussion.

Background: The Contemporary Swedish Education Context

Due to the cumulative processes of democratization, modernization, and emancipation of women (Stanfors, Citation2003), as well as the growth of material wealth and prosperity in the early twentieth century, the educational system in Sweden was reformed numerous times between 1900 and 1970. Increased secularization paved the way for non-confessional education from the 1950s onwards. However, the major reforms, such as the introduction of the current version of upper-secondary education and the municipal adult education were introduced around 1970 and the regulations have been relatively stable ever since (Richardsson, Citation2010, pp. 89–140). Further, Imsen et al. (Citation2017) underline that the Nordic model has developed from social democracy via progressivism to neoliberalism.

The national curriculum has been revised several times. The last major revision for the entire school system was launched in 2011 (Lgr 11), with a partial revision in 2018. Sweden offers nine years of mandatory elementary school education, in which “Årskurs 7–9” can be translated into lower-secondary school education. Furthermore, it consists of three years of non-mandatory upper-secondary school, and three to five years of higher education (Skolverket, Citation2018). In this regard, Fredholm (Citation2017) stresses a conservative response to progressive and horizontal teacher–student relations associated with decreased discipline.

Apart from the knowledge-centered national curriculum of compulsory education, two major reasons for this appear to be free school choice, which leads to increased school segregation (Hennerdal et al., Citation2020; Larsson, Citation2019), and high rates of low-skilled migrants from the 1990s onwards (Ekberg, Citation1999; Sanandaji, Citation2018). Moreover, economists such as Sanandaji (Citation2018) and migration scholars like Vogiazides and Mondani (Citation2020) have argued that the socioeconomic and sociocultural integration of migrants in Sweden has failed, especially in the city of Malmö, leading to an increased fiscal burden and high unemployment and crime rates (Sanandaji, Citation2018).

As Wiklund (Citation2018) observes, Sweden’s teachers are often blamed for poor results in general and among low-SES segments such as second-generation and newly arrived migrants in particular. However, it is far from certain that better teachers—those who would, for instance, be congruent with how Finland’s teacher pool was constituted around 2011/2012—do have much of an impact since Swedish teachers’ Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) scores are not greatly below those of their Finnish counterparts and indeed are substantially above the OECD average in that regard (Hanushek et al., Citation2019). Moreover, as MacIntyre et al. (Citation2018) note, Sweden is overall largely welcoming towards migrants and provides demographically diverse and low-SES municipalities with more economic and material resources compared to other municipalities (Sanandaji, Citation2018) and other nations like England (MacIntyre et al., Citation2018). Whereas this does not highlight all didactical and school-specific characteristics relevant for achievement and equality, it does show that these areas are hardly neglected.

Essentially, the Swedish context is signified by a hybrid system of neoliberal-oriented decentralization and school accountability and a center-left compensatory and remedial redistribution system aimed at decreasing differences in opportunity and outcome between different socio-economic strata (Bunar, Citation2010; Hennerdal et al., Citation2020). These characteristics might affect patterns at the national level, such as teacher certification rates and even socio-economic composition because low-performing municipalities are often compensated with more, if not better, school resources (Holmlund et al., Citation2019; Sanandaji, Citation2018).

Related Literature

Larsson (Citation2019) points to a socio-educational division in current Swedish society, especially in the capital, Stockholm. Whereas some rural areas are associated with high achievement and high-SES family characteristics (e.g., Lundsberg in Värmland), the divide is now between the renowned inner-city schools and the suburban schools with low completion rates and intake ratings (Gynantagningen, Citation2019). The partial marketization of the Swedish school system has also been emphasized by Imsen et al. (Citation2017) and Hennerdal et al. (Citation2020).

Sanandaji (Citation2018) has underlined anti-social behaviors and poor integration of the country’s suburban youth. He also stresses ( p. 11) that the three most ethnically diverse municipalities in Sweden have increased their municipal tax equalization revenues since 1996 due to poor performance in the local and national labor market. A report published by Skolverket (Citation2016) indicates that approximately 6–7% of the decreases in PISA 2000–2012 are attributable to migrant participation. Differences in educational attainment and achievement are also underscored in the SOU (Swedish Government Official Report) conducted by Holmlund et al. (Citation2019; see also Skolverket, Citation2009).

Regarding socio-economic inequalities and gentrification in an international context, Atkinson et al. (Citation2017) examined the nexus between elite formation, power, and socio-geographic space in contemporary London and underscored the relationships between different forms of capital and local and global mechanisms. Pearman (Citation2019) presents a comprehensive review of the recent literature on the relationship between gentrification and educational achievement. Some of the findings might be applicable to the Stockholm region in Sweden and correspond to those of Larsson (Citation2019).

Gustafsson and Yang Hansen (Citation2018) examined changes in the impact of family education on student educational achievement in Sweden, 1988–2014, and found that correlations increased by .04 units between the early 1990s and 2014, partly due to immigration. More or less positive SES–academic achievement correlations have been found in the US (Sirin, Citation2005), other developed countries (Tan, Citation2015), and developing countries (Kim et al., Citation2019).

In relation to teacher effects, a rich literature emerges from scholars in the US showing that teachers have at least a moderate effect on academic performance (e.g., Hanushek et al., Citation1996). In Sweden, studies are lacking but Holmlund et al. (Citation2019) stress that the totality of national and international evidence suggests that teachers have a substantial effect on academic performance at lower-secondary level. However, findings from correlational and regression analyses might be spurious because there may be more certified teachers in at least some low-performing schools and municipalities (Holmlund et al., Citation2019).

Another key area of educational research focused on the secondary level is free school choice and whether it leads to greater competition among schools, as well as greater segregation (Böhlmark & Lindahl, Citation2015; Hennerdal et al., Citation2020; Lindbom, Citation2010). To reiterate, as a result of the Swedish hybrid model highlighted above, there are parallel processes of school segregation and decentralization, on the one hand, and social redistribution, equity, and compensatory measures that derive from the state initiatives, on the other hand (Bunar, Citation2010). As the review by Bunar (Citation2010) shows, there is no unambiguous evidence that suggests that academic performance has improved due to marketization of the Swedish school system, in particular at the upper-secondary level. However, Holmlund et al. (Citation2019) stress that there seem to be indications of grade inflation, especially in the independent schools.

Other generic factors associated with academic achievement in the Swedish context are gender differences, as girls typically outperform boys, and peer effects (Holmlund et al., Citation2019; Skolverket, Citation2009).

Theoretical Framework

Socio-economic status is intimately linked to academic achievement (Sirin, Citation2005; Tan, Citation2015), including in Sweden (Gustafsson & Yang Hansen, Citation2018). However, educational results in Sweden are typically affected by migration, geographical location, and school factors such as teacher competence or certification (Björklund et al., Citation2010: Gustafsson & Yang Hansen, Citation2018; Holmlund et al., Citation2019; Skolverket, Citation2009). Thus, all these factors must be considered in this context. However, these should typically not be considered as completely separate but often connected factors because highly-educated parents and certified teachers are generally located in the vicinity of urban areas where students might perform best (Holmlund et al., Citation2019; Yang Hansen & Gustafsson, Citation2016). However, because of the impact of migration and the Swedish hybrid model in the current educational context, these socio-economic and socio-demographic patterns might be fuzzy or unexpected.

The geographical aspects of cultural and social capital, which are intricately linked with socio-economic status, have been stressed by Bourdieu-inspired research relevant to the Swedish context (e.g., Carlhed, Citation2017; Larsson, Citation2019). For instance, major university cities in Sweden attract higher socio-economic status students with higher cultural capital (Carlhed, Citation2017) and some inner-city schools in Stockholm are considered prestigious locations at which to obtain upper-secondary education (Larsson, Citation2019). Moreover, typically there is a positive relationship between urban regions and academic achievement in Sweden (Holmlund et al., Citation2019; Yang Hansen & Gustafsson, Citation2016).

Therefore, in addition to the research questions, the following hypotheses were considered:

H1: There is a positive relationship between academic achievement and proportion of highly-educated people at the municipality level.

H2: There is a negative relationship between academic achievement and proportion of welfare recipients and non-natives at the municipality level.

H3: There is a negative relationship between academic achievement and geographical distance to major cities at the municipality level.

H4: There is a positive relationship between academic achievement and rates of certified teachers at the municipality level.

Method and Data

This study used aggregated data (inclusive of both municipal and independent schools) from the Skolverket Siris database for lower-secondary level students in 288 of Sweden’s 290 municipalities for the year 2019 in relation to grades in all subjects (GAS). The percentage of students per municipality who receive documented, non-self-reported grades—which may be seen as a sub-form of obtained cultural capital (Carlhed, Citation2017)—of E–A in all subjects is understood as the dependent variable. This measure captures both “equity and excellence” as it shows that, in high-performing municipalities, a large proportion of students perform at least “good enough” (E) in all subjects or better. Hence, it was preferred over average national tests scores at this level of the analysis.

Data from SCB on percentage of highly-educated people (i.e., with at least three years of tertiary education) and percentage of welfare recipients, which are used as independent variables, were matched with the data that constituted the dependent variable. A third independent variable was proportion of certified teachers (CTR, certified teacher ratio), measured in 2019 (see Siris) to, in a temporal sense, align the variables. A fourth independent variable was geographical distance from major cities (DMC), which constitutes cities with at least 100,000 inhabitants, and the important university town Kalmar, which has slightly less than 70,000 inhabitants (see and ). This variable captures important nuances regarding residence. For instance, urban clusters in Sweden can only partially predict academic achievement due to their heterogeneous populations (Manhica et al., Citation2018; Vogiazides & Mondani, Citation2020) and many certified teachers work in towns or cities at a commuting distance from various urban clusters or vice versa. This variable was measured using https://sv.distance.to/ in kilometers by matching each municipality with the closest major city. A negative effect was expected because, on average, the further from a major city, the less likely it is that such municipalities are inhabited by high-SES families and certified teachers. While imperfect, this variable captures geographical dynamics and relationships within the urban–rural continuum in a more nuanced way than simple dichotomies.

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for Swedish municipalities.

Table 2. Sweden’s major cities.

The analysis began with bivariate analyses. For a correlational effect size to be considered moderate a correlation of .3–.69 had to be found. Coefficients between .7– and .9 are considered highly correlated (Akoglu, Citation2018). Potential heteroskedasticity between the independent SES-related variables was controlled for by intercorrelations and collinearity diagnostics in SPSS Statistics 26, which was used for all analyses. No variables had intercorrelations that were considered high, although highly educated and welfare recipients reached r = -.636, and welfare recipients and non-natives reached r = .50 (see Dohoo et al., Citation1997, for recommendations). Thus, all variables were included in the regressions.

It proceeded with ordinary least squares regressions (OLS) with the above-mentioned variables. The initial estimation model can be described as follows: Gradem=XmEdβ+XmWelfareβ+XmTeacherβ+XUrbanβ+XmMigrantβ+em,where Grade is the percentage of the degree to which pupils receive grades E–A in all subjects in a municipality m; XmEdβ are the coefficients of the proportion of highly-educated people in a municipality m; XmWelfareβ are the coefficients of welfare recipients in a municipality m; XmTeacherβ are the coefficients of the proportion of highly-educated teachers in a municipality m; XUrbanβ are the coefficients of distance to urban regions; XmMigrantβ are the coefficients of the proportion of the population with a migrant (i.e., non-native) background; and em is an error term.

Case Studies at the Municipality and School Levels

Partly guided by the recommendations of Seawright and Gerring (Citation2008) and Hamilton and Corbett-Whittier (Citation2013), the study proceeded with two case studies. In the first case study, N = 20 municipalities at the top (N = 10) and bottom (N = 10) sections of the municipality league tables were chosen (). The selection is purposive rather than representative of the entire sample but is of theoretical and instrumental interest (Hamilton & Corbett-Whittier, Citation2013, p. 12; Seawright & Gerring, Citation2008, p. 296). In some steps, Älvdalen and Älvsbyn were removed because they had outlier characteristics (i.e., exceedingly high GAS, despite poor geographic and socio-economic indicators, as well as few schools and small school sizes).

In addition, an alternative dependent variable, average national test scores, was used with the aggregated score of the schools in these municipalities. Swedish, Swedish as a second language (SVA), mathematics, and English were used as a composed average value for each scale, where F counts as O points, E as 10 points, D as 12.5 points, C as 15 points, B as 17.5 points, and A as 20 points. As many schools and municipalities fall between these discrete values, an exact average score was calculated. When one or two of the four values were missing, the average scores of two or three subjects were calculated. Furthermore, a few specific comparisons between boys and girls, and the native population (“svensk bakgrund”) and non-native population (“utländsk bakgrund”), as well as specific schools were made.

This alternative measure was used to provide a slightly more precise measure of educational achievement. For example, Hanushek et al. (Citation1996) stress that aggregated data can substantially skew upwards the statistical significance of inputs in the educational process, such as certified teacher rates. On the other hand, aggregated data can average out differences in grade inflation. Moreover, as Holmlund et al. (Citation2019) emphasize, national test results are slightly less prone to grade inflation. Thus, a step-by-step analysis, in which one such step involves NTR as an alternative measure, may capture more precise dimensions of educational achievement. OLS models were run at this step of the analysis, whereas Pearson correlations were complementary.

The second case study followed a similar procedure but included the first municipality from each letter in the alphabet and thus used a more random selection approach (Seawright & Gerring, Citation2008). As some letters do not cover any municipality in Sweden, the total number was 23. While, of course, distributed across the broader achievement spectrum, these were all part of the “great middle” and thus representative (Seawright & Gerring, Citation2008). Due to space limitations and to avoid repetition, school, gender, and natives/non-natives comparisons were excluded in this case study ( and ).

Table 3. GAS in relation to education, welfare, and demography (OLS).

Table 4. High- and low-performing municipalities.

Results

The correlation between the average rate of highly-educated people and GAS was r = .471. The correlation between the average rate of welfare recipients and GAS was r = −.549. The correlation between the average rate of certified teachers and GAS was r = .312. The correlation between DMC and GAS was r = −.012. The correlation between the proportion of non-natives and GAS was r = −.419.

The OLS shows that the proportion of highly-educated people in each municipality had a positive relationship with GAS, as expected, and that the proportion of welfare recipients and non-natives had negative relationships with GAS, as expected. The proportion of certified teachers did not add to the model and did not reach statistical significance at the 5% level.

Case Study 1

The correlation between the average rate of highly-educated people and GAS was r = .591. When Älvdalen and Älvsbyn were removed, this increased to r = .762. The correlation between the average rate of welfare recipients and GAS was r = −.694. The correlation between the average rate of certified teachers and GAS was r = .470. When Älvdalen and Älvsbyn were removed, this increased to r = .514. The correlation between non-natives and GAS was r = −.638. The correlation between DMC and GAS was r = −.604 when the two outliers were removed.

The correlation between NTR and GAS was r = .899, which is probably because grades are influenced by NTR and they largely measure the same school knowledge and latent abilities. The correlation between the average rate of highly-educated people and NTR was r = .866. The correlation between the average rate of welfare recipients and NTR was r = −.828. The correlation between the average rate of certified teachers and NTR was r = .472. The correlation between DMC and NTR was r = −.760. The correlation between the proportion of non-natives and NTR was r =−.587.

Thus, all independent variables became more predictive in relation to GAS and NTR. In relation to narrower comparisons, these patterns became more pronounced. In other words, living close to an urban region and having a highly-educated population, a large proportion of native inhabitants, and a large proportion of certified teachers, as well as a low proportion of welfare recipients correlates substantially with NTR.

The OLS model (see ) indicates that two variables reached statistical significance at the 5% level. However, the non-natives variable was not statistically significant.

Table 5. Case study 1 (OLS).

Comparisons

Strong Performers

Vargbroskolan in Storfors is one of the somewhat unexpected high performers because Storfors is located about 60 kilometers from Örebro and has a low proportion of highly-educated individuals (10.6%) and a rather high proportion of welfare recipients (18%) at the municipality level. Regarding school characteristics, however, 88.9% of teachers have a proper teaching degree and are certified. Of 33 pupils in Grade 9 who took all national tests in Swedish (A, B, C), 81.8% of all girls and 71.4% of all boys achieved grades E–A. The average grade scores on these tests are typically grouped at D level (12.7 points), which suggests that Storfors has a decent equity–quality ratio; however, average grades and test scores are, indeed, quite average. This is considerably lower compared to, for instance, Mörbyskolan in Danderyd (a part of Stockholm’s län), where 90.3% of students achieved grades E–A, with an average NTR of 16.0. These results imply that, at the aggregate level, these municipalities and even specific schools appear to be equivalent in terms of achievement. However, a closer inspection shows substantial differences in performance. Moreover, the results illustrate that the predictors of the aggregated regional data become more predictive using more specific measures.

Gender Comparisons

In some schools (e.g., Viktor Rydbergs samskola), boys slightly outperformed girls (97% GAS compared to 95.7%) or their results were virtually identical (95.3% female and 95.2% GAS in Fribergaskolan, Danderyd). Similar patterns were found within low-performing municipalities such as Vingåker, where girls and boys performed equally poorly, on average.

Native and Non-Native Comparisons

As expected, in all schools in Danderyd, Lindingö and other wealthy municipalities in the Stockholm urban region, the native pupils outperformed the non-native population (e.g., 96.2% GAS at Fribergaskolan in Danderyd compared to 77.8% of non-natives; 90.3% GAS at Mörbyskolan in Danderyd compared to 66.7% of non-natives). However, at Viktor Rydbergs samskola, the GAS of non-natives was 86.7%, which is substantially above the national average.

In Vingåker, a low-performing municipality, only 50.7% of native Swedes (which make up about 77% of all pupils) reached GAS in Grade 9. This might be difficult to interpret in terms of, for instance, peer effects. It might be that natives and non-natives have a mutual negative association, combined with low SES at the municipality level.

Overall, the NTR of Swedish as a second language pupils lowered the overall results in all 18 municipalities. For instance, in another low-performing municipality, Norberg, the native students’ NTR is 12.5, virtually identical to the high-performing municipality, Storfors. According to the ranking system of the influential teachers’ union, Lärarförbundet (Citation2019a)—whose index comprises, for instance, educational results (measured by grade point average), proportion of pupils who attend pre-school education, and TCR (Lärarförbundet, Citation2019b)—Torsby is the best school municipality in Sweden and Gnesta is the worst. Despite this, NTR are close to identical in these two municipalities (12.57 in Torsby and 12.56 in Gnesta when removing SVA). If we assume that TCR is a moderate predictor of educational achievement and NTR has a slightly higher reliability than GAS, then Gnesta outperforms Torsby. Similar patterns were found in most comparisons. Thus, it seems misguided to highlight as “the best” those school municipalities whose performance is actually average, despite better contextual conditions.

Case Study 2

The correlation between the average rate of highly-educated individuals and GAS was r = .305. The correlation between the average rate of welfare recipients and GAS was r = −.503. The correlation between the average rate of certified teachers and GAS was r = .340. The correlation between non-natives and GAS was r = −.456. The correlation between DMC and GAS was r = −.183. Thus, these relationships were less striking among schools and municipalities at the middling level of the national achievement spectrum.

The correlation between NTR and GAS was r = .483. The weaker correlation results from the narrower standard deviation in NPR and the exclusion of SVA scores. The correlation between the average rate of highly-educated people and NTR was r = .744. The correlation between the average rate of welfare recipients and NTR was r = −.469. The correlation between the average rate of certified teachers and NTR was r = .366. The correlation between DMC and NTR was r = −.265. The correlation between the proportion of non-natives and NTR was r = −.0.48. In an OLS regression with GAS as the dependent variable, no predictor was statistically significant.

Conclusion and Discussion

The results in this cross-sectional study on educational achievement at Grade 9 level show that indicators of socio-economic status and socio-demographic characteristics are substantially associated with the dependent variables. These results are similar to those reported by Holmlund et al. (Citation2019). From an international perspective, this study is at least partly consistent with SES-academic achievement correlations (e.g., Sirin, Citation2005; Tan, Citation2015); however, the emphasis on geographical distance and non-natives might provide a more dynamic understanding. This study could also be conducted in other national contexts. Moreover, the reliance on coarse aggregated data in the first step of the analysis might require more individual and school-level data in longitudinal or replication studies. However, as for instance Hennerdal et al. (Citation2020) underline, aggregated results may often corroborate the findings from individual data and vice versa. There are, indeed, limitations of this study. The case studies, the first in particular, took a closer look at specific municipalities and schools but data were still aggregated to the school level and only measured student achievement at a single point in time.

On a more positive note, the proportion of highly-educated inhabitants at the municipality and school level, together with the certified teacher ratio, seems to be associated with high academic results for the children of such families. As long as the proportion of non-natives, with some exceptions (e.g., Sollentuna, with a 30% non-native population), does not surpass about 20%, these high results often persist. Moreover, when removing SVA students from NTR, non-natives perform at an equal level in most municipalities.

A more pessimistic perspective on the same findings, however, underlines large socio-economic differences and a negative association between low-skilled migration flows and school results. Whereas many of these learning outcome issues are language-related and therefore possible to address (Holmlund et al., Citation2019), earlier research (e.g., Sanandaji, Citation2018) suggests that a large proportion of second-generation migrants have not assimilated into Swedish society. Moreover, many low-skilled migrant families are affected by having many children and young unaccompanied migrants from, in particular, Afghanistan lack stable social networks and are therefore prone to homelessness, crime, and low academic performance (Vogiazides & Mondani, Citation2020).

In addition to improved migration and integration policies, Sweden must tackle grave issues related to socio-economic inequality. It seems that, for instance, gender differences in academic achievement constitute a minor issue in comparison to these deeper and broader problems.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Correction Statement

This article was originally published with errors, which have now been corrected in the online version. Please see Correction (https://doi.org/10.1080/00313831.2023.2257015)

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