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Original Articles

A Tale of Two Regionalisms: Improving the Measurement of Regionalism in Australia and Beyond

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Pages 1154-1169 | Received 17 Mar 2014, Accepted 17 Oct 2014, Published online: 18 Dec 2014
 

Abstract

Brown A. J. and Deem J. A tale of two regionalisms: improving the measurement of regionalism in Australia and beyond, Regional Studies. Studies of regional identification are integral to the role of regionalism in political development, but how does one study regionalism when subnational political scales and regional political culture may be out of alignment? This question is tackled using Australia, a federation theorized as having possibly hit a regionalization ‘ceiling effect’, but which empirical study using a moderate relational approach shows to have not one regionalism but two within its political culture: formal ‘state-regionalism’ reflected in its federal system and a more organic ‘region-regionalism’ only thinly reflected in political structure, albeit apparently still consistent with federalism. Both are identified as politically salient and reflected in institutional preferences, but as also reinforcing debates that regionalization from a devolutionary perspective is far from complete, as manifested in citizen support for new regional government. The results better inform reform debates and provide departure points for research.

Brown A. J. and Deem J. 两个区域主义的故事 :促进澳大利亚以及他处的区域主义衡量,区域研究。区域指认之研究,是区域主义在政治发展中所扮演的角色的一部分。但当次国家政治层级与区域政治文化不一致时,我们要如何研究区域主义?本研究运用澳洲的案例来处理上述问题,该国被理论化为可能已达到区域化的“天花板效应”的联邦国家,但运用适度的关係性取径的经验研究则显示,在该国的政治文化中,拥有两种而非单一的区域主义:反映在联邦系统中的官方“国家—区域主义”,以及微弱地反映在政治结构中的更有机的“区域—区域主义”,儘管后者显然仍与联邦主义相符合。两者皆被认定为政治上显着且反映于制度偏好,但却同时强化了从地方分权观点发展出的区域化不甚完善之辩论,并展现在公民对于新区域政府的支持之上。本研究结果,更佳地告知了该辩论,并对未来研究提供了起始点。

Brown A. J. et Deem J. Une histoire de deux formes de régionalisme: améliorer la mesure du régionalisme en Australie et au-delà, Regional Studies. Les études de l'identification régionale font partie intégrante du rôle du régionalisme dans le développement politique. Mais comment étudier le régionalisme au moment où les échelles politiques infranationales et la culture politique régionale pourraient être désalignées? On aborde cette question employant comme étude de cas l'Australie, une fédération théorisée comme ayant possiblement atteint un ‘effet plafond’, mais qui, selon une étude empirique employant une approche relationnelle modérée, laisse voir au sein de sa culture politique non seulement une seule forme de régionalisme mais deux: le ‘régionalisme d’État’ formel reflété dans son système fédéral et un ‘régionalisme de régions’ plus souple à peine reflété dans la structure politique, bien qu'il soit toujours conforme au fédéralisme. Tous les deux sont identifiés comme étant importants sur le plan politique et reflétés dans les préférences institutionnelles, mais renforcent aussi les débats qui affirment que la régionalisation s'avère d'un point de vue décentralisant loin d’être achevée, tel qu'il ressort de l'appui public pour une nouvelle administration régionale. Les résultats permettent de mieux informer les débats sur la réforme et offrent des points de départ pour la recherche.

Brown A. J. und Deem J. Eine Geschichte von zwei Regionalismen: verbesserte Messung des Regionalismus in Australien und anderswo, Regional Studies. Für die Rolle des Regionalismus in der politischen Entwicklung spielen Studien über regionale Identifizierung eine zentrale Rolle – doch wie lässt sich Regionalismus untersuchen, wenn die subnationalen politischen Maßstäbe und die regionale politische Kultur eventuell nicht miteinander übereinstimmen? Diese Frage wird anhand des Beispiels von Australien untersucht. Dieser Bundesstaat hat den Theorien zufolge möglicherweise einen ‘Deckeneffekt’ der Regionalisierung erreicht, doch anhand von empirischen Studien mit moderatem relationalem Ansatz zeigt sich, dass seine politische Kultur nicht nur einen, sondern zwei Regionalismen aufweist: einen formellen ‘staatlichen Regionalismus’, der sich in seinem föderalen System widerspiegelt, und einen organischeren ‘regionalen Regionalismus’, der sich in der politischen Struktur nur schwach widerspiegelt, wenn er auch offenbar weiterhin mit dem Föderalismus übereinstimmt. Wir identifizieren beide Regionalismen als politisch prägnant und in den institutionellen Präferenzen widergespiegelt, aber auch als Verstärkung der Debatten zum Thema, dass die Regionalisierung aus der Perspektive der Dezentralisierung noch lange nicht abgeschlossen ist, wie sich an den Bürgerbewegungen für eine neue Regionalregierung zeigt. Die Ergebnisse könnten zur besseren Orientierung der Reformdebatten und als Ausgangspunkt für weitere Forschung dienen.

Brown A. J. y Deem J. Historia de dos regionalismos: medida mejorada del regionalismo en Australia y otros lugares, Regional Studies. Los estudios sobre la identificación regional son fundamentales para el papel del regionalismo en el desarrollo político. No obstante, ¿cómo se estudia el regionalismo cuando las escalas políticas subnacionales y la cultura política regional no concuerdan? Abordamos esta cuestión con el contexto de Australia, un Estado federal para el que se teoriza que posiblemente ha tocado el ‘efecto techo’ de la regionalización; sin embargo, en un estudio empírico en el que se utiliza un enfoque relacional moderado se muestra que en su cultura política aparece no solo un regionalismo sino dos: un ‘regionalismo del Estado’ formal reflejado en su sistema federal y un ‘regionalismo de las regiones’ más orgánico reflejado débilmente en la estructura política, aunque aparentemente todavía coherente con el federalismo. Identificamos ambos regionalismos como políticamente destacados y reflejados en preferencias institucionales, pero también como un apoyo para los que opinan que la regionalización desde una perspectiva de descentralización dista mucho de estar concluida, tal como se demuestra en el apoyo ciudadano a un nuevo Gobierno regional. Los resultados sirven de mejor orientación para los debates sobre reformas y aportan puntos de partida para la investigación.

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Acknowledgements

The authors thank project colleagues Ian Gray (Charles Sturt University) and Cheryl Saunders (University of Melbourne), and also Andrew Parkin (Flinders University), Anne Twomey (University of Sydney) and John Davis (Newspoll Limited) for contributions to questionnaire design. They also thank the anonymous reviewers for the invaluable comments made.

Funding

The authors are grateful to the Australian Research Council (ARC Discovery Project Number 0666833), the Centre for Governance & Public Policy at Griffith University, and Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law at the University of New South Wales, for financial support for the 2008, 2010 and 2012 Australian Constitutional Values Surveys.

Supplemental data

Supplemental data for this article can be accessed at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2014.980800

Notes

1. Fieldwork was conducted under contract by Newspoll Ltd. Participants were sampled in a quasi-random fashion, with random digit dialling and within-household screening questions employed to ensure a random sample from quotas set in capital and non-capital strata. Cross-referencing with data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics indicated that the samples were generally representative of the overall Australian population. Percentages shown are for results post-weighted to represent the population most closely using Australian Bureau of Statistics data on gender, age, area and highest level of schooling. Analyses were conducted using the statistical software package SPSS. An alpha of 0.05 was set for all tests of significance. Tests of significance were mostly conducted on unweighted results. For further project details, see http://www.griffith.edu.au/business-government/centre-governance-public-policy/.

2. Weighted results: percentages (n = 1049): More as a person from (state), 30.5%; Equally as someone from (state) as someone from (region), 21.1%; More as a person from (region), 35.8%; Don't know, 12.6%. Attachment, means: Nation, 3.73 (n = 1048); State, 3.34 (n = 1044); Region, 3.42 (n = 961); Local, 3.44 (n = 1044).

3. Interestingly, this finding on ‘attachment’ is consistent with the 2008 results on ‘sense of belonging’, where nation and state were also moderately correlated (r = 0.348, p < 0.001), but national/regional and national/local relationships were weaker than correlations between other scales (respectively: r = 0.269, p < 0.001, n = 627; r = 0.233, and p < 0.001, n = 997).

4. State-regionalism was slightly stronger among those aged 65+ and retirees, suggesting a generational attachment to ‘states’ rights’, but otherwise gender, ethnic background, level of education, age and employment were not significant.

5. Respondents were free to nominate other levels of government but very few did so (n = 1, 2008; n = 4, 2010; n = 0, 2012). ‘Federal’ was used throughout the survey to indicate the ‘national’ level, for clarity and consistency, but not all resulting preferences can be presumed to be federal in nature, e.g. some respondents (n = 67, 2008; n = 58, 2010; n = 29, 2012) wanted a federal level but no other level.

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