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Abstract
The common approach to the study of foreign policies of Southern African Development Community (SADC) states is to locate them within the context of ‘brother presidents’ and ‘sister liberation movements’. There is emphasis on liberation war camaraderie as a key variable. However, Angola–Zimbabwe (read as MPLA–ZANU-PF and MPLA–MDC) relations have no noticeable strong liberation war-time ties. The relations are traceable to the post-1980 period when the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) pursued a deliberate policy of integrating itself within the SADC region and this coincided with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola's (MPLA) long-time desire to isolate its internal enemies of the National Front for the Liberation of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. What is also noticeable is the opacity and ambiguities in Angola–Zimbabwe relations, which have provoked growth of speculation and suspicion. The only time Angola and Zimbabwe openly collaborated was in their intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo war in 1998 under the auspices of the SADC in general and the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security in particular. However, two recent developments—the state visit to Luanda by the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe and the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) Morgan Tsvangirai in October 2009, and the announcement by ZANU-PF of the China-Sonangol $8bn investment deal in November 2009—have provoked fresh interest in understanding Angola–Zimbabwe relations in the context of a regional initiative to resolve the Zimbabwe crisis. Although Angola is visible as a member of the SADC in the search for a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis, it has not openly expressed its foreign policy towards Zimbabwe. Unlike Botswana under Ian Khama and Zambia under the late Levy Mwanawasa, which openly criticised President Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF over governance and its human rights record, Angola has remained quiet, making it hard to know its exact position vis-à-vis initiatives towards resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis. Interest in Angolan foreign policy is further motivated by the fact of its ascendancy as one of the regional powers; building on its rich mineral resources, it has the potential leverage to help in the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis if it openly expressed its position. At the moment, it is not clear whether Angola has also adopted ‘quiet diplomacy’, just like South Africa under President Thabo Mbeki in its dealings with Zimbabwe.
Notes
1. Interview with retired Lieutenant-Colonel (Dr) Martin Revai Rupiah, Munhumutapa Government Buildings, Harare, Zimbabwe, 11 March 2010. Dr Martin Rupiah is not only a former soldier but also an accomplished academic on issues of security, defence and international affairs. He is now working as a Principal Director within the Prime Minister's Office responsible for international affairs.
Besides ideological schisms prompting the bloody abortive coup in May 1977, there were also racial issues. President Neto was being criticised for failing to defend the Angolan working class because his wife was white, his children were of mixed blood (mesticos). MPLA was said to be dominated and led by cadres of mixed blood rather than black Angolans.
Interview with a Colonel in the Zimbabwe National Army, 13 March 2010. This colonel, who chose to remain anonymous, is a former ZIPRA combatant, which was a military wing of ZAPU that was given bases during the liberation struggle in Angola.
When ZANU initially approached FRELIMO to request access to its territory, FRELIMO replied that it remained allied with ZAPU and offered to cooperate with it rather than ZANU; but by the early 1970s, ZAPU was suffering a second major split that affected its external wing in Zambia. James Chikerema and George Nyandoro, as leaders of ZAPU, were fighting with Jason Ziyapapa Moyo, George Silundika and Edward Ndlovu. The in-fighting was so terrible that it led Chikerema for form a splinter political formation known as the Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe (FROLIZI).
ZANU was suffering the consequences of the assassination of Chitepo, which led the Zambian government to arrest the top leadership of ZANU. By this time, ZANU had no recognised leader. Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole, the founder President of ZANU, had suffered a ‘prison coup’ and was no longer recognised as the legitimate leader of ZANU by people such as Enos Nkala, Robert Mugabe, Edgar Tekere and Maurice Nyagumbo; but the Front Line States took time to recognise Mugabe as the ZANU leader.
FROLIZI and ANC were new additions to the ranks of Zimbabwean liberation movement. They drew members across ZAPU and ZANU divisions. They claimed to be standing for unity among nationalists.
The top leadership of ZANU was accused of having taken part in the assassination the party's national chairman due to tribal bickering. Chitepo belonged to the Manyika tribe, which was eliminated by the Karanga tribe.
The Beira Corridor was a strategic oil route to Zimbabwe.
Between 1967 and 1968, ZAPU in alliance with the ANC sent 150 heavily armed troops into the Wankie Game Reserve and into Sipolilo and Mana Pools in Rhodesia.
Stephen Chan disagreed with Hasu Patel on the reasons for Zimbabwe's intervention in the DRC. Chan stated that Patel was wrong in characterising the intervention of Zimbabwe as a contribution to the defence of the DRC against Ugandan and Rwandan invasion. He argued that Zimbabwe's intervention was motivated by interests in mineral deposits that Mugabe used to buy the support of senior military leaders.
Interview with Honourable Minister Gorden Moyo, Meikles Hotel, Harare, Zimbabwe, 11 March 2010.
Chimurenga is a Shona word that is used by ZANU-PF to refer to nationalist liberation struggle against colonialism. Zimbabwe is said to have fought two ‘Chimurengas’, one in the period 1896–97 and the other in the 1970s.
This was mainly because the original MDC emerged from civil society and mainly from the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions; Tsvangirai was its Secretary General.
Tsvangirai had to take refuge at the Embassy of the Netherlands in fear of his life. Indeed, ZANU-PF in alliance with war veterans and armed forces were running amok torturing, maiming, raping and killing MDC supporters throughout the country.
This was the first time in Mugabe's 30-year rule that he entered a foreign mission, said the Zimbabwe Minister of Foreign Affairs, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi.