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Abstract
In Scotland, as elsewhere in Western Europe, many examples of historical common land have endured to the present day, but are under major pressure from the economic restructuring, socio-cultural recomposition and changing policy context that characterise contemporary rural change. For the crofting common grazings of Scotland, two particular challenges have arisen in the form of: (1) the growing difficulty of gaining sufficient livelihood contributions from traditional agriculturally-based activities; and (2) the increasing heterogeneity of rights-holders. This paper elaborates the findings of a recent survey, which sought to identify the main implications of these challenges for common grazings use and governance. An overall decline in levels of use of common grazings was identified, as well as decreasing involvement and investment in associated local institutions. This informs a discussion of the factors shaping the role of historical common land in contemporary rural spaces, an area neglected in the common property literature.
Notes
1 Most scholars agree that a common property regime is a type of management arrangement in which a well-defined group of people jointly hold exclusive rights (not necessarily co-equally) to the use of a defined resource unit, in which individual members have rights and duties with respect to use rates, and resource maintenance and improvement (Bromley, Citation1991; Stevenson, Citation1991; Baland & Platteau, Citation1996).
2 Kelp is an alkali extract from seaweed that was used in the manufacture of soap and glass.
3 The Scottish Executive's commitment to securing increased energy from renewable sources such as wind, wave and biomass means that renewable energy generation now represents one of the most lucrative uses to which common grazings can be put. See the Renewables Obligation (Scotland) 2002, which states that Scotland must contribute to the total of 10% of the UK's energy requirements that must come from renewable sources by 2010.
4 There are other less extensive examples such as village greens, common mosses and commonties (see Callander, Citation2003).
5 Machair is fertile, low-lying, base-rich, sandy coastal meadows of high conservation value (Warren, Citation2002).
6 Crofters Holdings (Scotland) Act 1886 & Crofters Common Grazings Regulation Act 1891.
7 Crofters (Scotland) Act 1955.
8 Crofting Reform (Scotland) Act 1976.
9 Crofter Forestry (Scotland) Act 1991.
10 The Crofters Commission is a quasi-governmental body devoted solely to the development and regulation of crofting.
11 A ‘township’ is the collective term given to the aggregation of land covered by both the crofts and the common grazings of a particular crofting locality or village.
12 Through schemes such the WGS (Woodland Grant Scheme), RSS (Rural Stewardship Scheme), a Habitat Management Scheme, or through being an area designated as a SSSI (Site of Special Scientific Interest) or as ESA (Environmentally Sensitive Areas).
13 However, caution had to be exercised in generalising about ownership from this data because: a) cases in CART or community ownership were much fewer in number precluding a full statistically valid analysis; b) each ownership type featured vibrant and less vibrant common grazings at the time of the survey; and c) a key point emerging from the survey was that the structure of property rights and relations of common grazings is anachronistic regardless of ownership status per se. There was no discernable difference in common grazings dynamism between estates that were privately owned and those owned by SEERAD.
14 For example, the growth in convenience and relative affordability of oil-fired central heating has in many cases precluded the former necessity of cutting peat for fuel, and the widespread availability of milk through retail outlets means that keeping a house cow ‘to provide households’ dairy products is no longer essential.