Afghan unaccompanied refugee minors’ understandings of integration. An interpretative phenomenological analysis

ABSTRACT

There is a lack of knowledge concerning how unaccompanied refugee minors (UMs) perceive integration. This study concerns how Afghan UMs in Sweden understand integration. Seven young men, age 18–23, who came to Sweden as UMs, participated in semi-structured interviews, analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. The results showed that integration was understood as a process in which relationships, connectedness, and concrete support are fundamental. Education, employment, and leisure activities were important for integration. Integration also improved by contributing to the new country, for example, through paying taxes or voluntary work. We discuss how integration could be supported, for example, through making UMs co-creators of interventions and through acknowledging the importance of meaningful activities, relationships, and concrete support.

KEYWORDS:

• Afghanistan
• connectedness
• integration
• relationships
• Sweden
• unaccompanied refugee minors

Introduction

In 2018, there were 70,8 million refugees in the world. Half of them were children or teenagers, some were together with their parents whereas others were so-called unaccompanied refugee minors (UMs) (United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2019). Sweden has been, and is, a preferred country for many asylum-seeking UMs (Aytar & Brunnberg, 2016). Most of the UMs who claimed asylum in Sweden from 2008 to 2017 were boys from Afghanistan (Migrationsverket, 2019).

Perceptions of UMs tend to be polarized within the European Union, often they are seen as ”untrustworthy” or ”damaged” (Eide, Lidén, Haugland, Fladstad, & Hauge, 2020). They might even be perceived as threats or as individuals with overwhelming difficulties, and thereby as burdens to society, instead of as capable persons who might contribute (Wernesjö, 2020). According to Swedish national integration goals (Wimelius, Eriksson, Isaksson, & Ghazinour, 2017), the 1951 Refugee Convention (United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2020) and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), 2020) refugees and children who need protection should receive it (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), 2020; United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 2020) regardless of whether they are able to contribute or not. It however needs to be acknowledged that refugees are not passive receivers of care or interventions, but tend to be persons with strengths and agency (Eliassi, 2017).

The reception of UMs in Sweden

In Sweden, various authorities, actors, and parts of the public sector, are responsible for the reception of UMs. Those include the social services, legal guardians, the school system, asylum accommodations, and The Swedish Migration Agency. In order to promote successful reception and integration, the importance of collaboration between different actors is emphasized (Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017). The Swedish Migration Agency is responsible for the asylum investigation. If the UM receives a permanent residence permit, municipal social services appoint a permanent legal guardian. In general, the UM has a legal guardian up to the age of 18 (Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017; Wimelius et al., 2017).

Upon arrival, UMs live in temporary residential units. Thereafter, municipal social services take care of their living conditions. Most UMs are placed in residential care homes specifically aimed at UMs, but the youngest are placed in foster homes (Söderqvist, Sjöblom, & Bülow, 2016). UMs may also live in residential care homes together with Swedish teenagers who for some reason cannot live with their families. All UMs have the right to start school immediately at arrival and they have access to healthcare (Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017).

Previous research

A considerable part of research concerning UMs is focused on traumas, deficiencies, psychiatric diagnoses, and treatment interventions aimed at symptom reduction (Ascher, Backlund, & Östlund, 2019; Kien et al., 2019). The tendency to focus on symptoms and psychiatric diagnoses has however been questioned since it diminishes the complexity of experiences and neglect existential questions, injustices, socio-economic inequalities in the country of arrival, as well as hope, capabilities, and agency (Mills, 2015; Varvin, 2017; Wernesjö, 2012).

As authors of this paper, we would never diminish the impact of traumatic experiences that individuals have gone through, and we sense that traumatic experiences need to be approached with understanding and patience. We are licensed psychologists and in our clinical practice, we encounter clients with traumatic experiences, not least from migration. Strivings to understand such experiences from a contextual perspective, are central to our research. We submit that if refugees are understood as inherently deficient and traumatized, and if trauma is seen as a disorder, contextual factors such as loss of familiar places and family members, poor living conditions, social exclusion, lack of social support and meaningful activities might become neglected (Jarlby, Goosen, Derluyn, Vitus, & Jervelund, 2018; Seidel & James, 2019; Wernesjö, 2012). Nevertheless, refugees have difficulties accessing health care and social services, which is connected to experiences of social exclusion, material poverty, and inadequate nutrition and living conditions (Beirens, Hughes, Hek, & Spicer, 2007). It should be acknowledged that most refugees adjust to their new country and become integrated, if they experience connectedness, a decent socio-economic situation and stable living conditions, and have opportunities to learn the language (Carswell, Blackburn, & Barker, 2011; Varvin, 2017; Vervliet, Lammertyn, Broekaert, & Derluyn, 2014). Such social factors might even have a stronger impact on well-being and integration than occurrence of previous trauma (Carswell et al., 2011; Vervliet et al., 2014). Associations within the civil society have a unique opportunity to engage UMs in social networks where support can be provided, and where mutual learning between psychologists, social workers, and other professionals, and UMs might develop (Jarlby et al., 2018). Such associations can also close possible gaps between policies, resources, and actual needs, and thereby facilitate integration of UMs (Wissö, 2017).

The complexity of integration

The recent years’ migration to Europe and Sweden have created a lively debate (Wernesjö, 2020). This debate has been both about humanitarian responsibilities toward refugees and about the economic consequences of refugee reception and the challenges associated with integration (Donato & Ferris, 2020; Zubikova, 2020). Moreover, the rise of right-wing populist political parties within the European Union has increased the demand for knowledge about migration and integration (Van Heerden, De Lange, Van Der Brug, & Fennema, 2014).

There is no general definition of the term integration (Kyeremeh, Arku, Mkandawire, Cleave, & Yusuf, 2019). In this study, integration is seen as a condition in which migrants are able to maintain traditions and live in ways that might differ from the majority society, and simultaneously are part of the larger society (Berry, 1997). Integration is nevertheless a complex and multidimensional concept (Hack-Polay & Igwe Paul, 2019; Kyeremeh et al., 2019). Multidimensional because it accommodates social, cultural, economic, and identity elements; refugees can be more integrated in a certain area than in others (Kyeremeh et al., 2019; Valenta & Bunar, 2010). Integration has previously been conceptualized as a “one-way process” in which refugees are expected to take responsibility for their integration (Wong & Tezli, 2013). However, in recent years integration has been seen as a “two-way process” in which the majority society is expected to create conditions that facilitate integration (Kyeremeh et al., 2019). Integration can be studied from a macro or a micro perspective. From a macro perspective, socio-economic position and employment are often analyzed (Korac, 2003; Zubikova, 2020). Studies might concern socio-economic marginalization and racism and how these conditions need to be counteracted for integration to occur (Carswell et al., 2011; Thommessen, Corcoran, & Todd, 2015; Wernesjö, 2012). From a micro perspective, researchers often focus on individual processes such as how personal goals or individual decisions enhance integration (Zubikova, 2020).

Sweden has been an important recipient country for refugees and has since the 1960s promoted integration (Borevi, 2014; Grip, 2020). The Swedish national integration goals include equal rights, obligations, and opportunities for all, regardless of ethnic and cultural background (Wimelius et al., 2017). The image of Sweden as a country characterized by social justice, human rights, and equality (Eliassi, 2017; Wernesjö, 2020) has however increasingly been questioned (Wernesjö, 2020). Swedish statistics (Statistiska centralbyrån, 2019) reports lower income, lower voter turnout during elections, higher levels of overcrowded households, and more insecure working conditions among people born outside Europe. Furthermore, relative poverty is higher among migrants (Obućina, 2013).

There is a large body of research concerning immigration and integration of adult refugees and families, and a large body of articles are written from theoretical perspectives (Ager & Strang, 2008; Donato & Ferris, 2020; Kyeremeh et al., 2019). To the best of our knowledge, research that specifically focus on UMs’ perspectives and understanding of integration are limited (Berger Cardoso et al., 2019; Çelikaksoy & Wadensjö, 2017; Thommessen et al., 2015; Wimelius et al., 2017). Increased knowledge about UMs’ perspectives links integration policies with the daily experience of UMs (Kyeremeh et al., 2019) and thereby strengthens possibilities to provide adequate interventions. Therefore, there is a need for increased knowledge about how UMs perceive integration and how integration among UMs might be enhanced (Thommessen & Todd, 2018).

In this study, we, therefore, examine UMs’ experiences and understandings of integration through interviewing seven young men from Afghanistan, age 18–23, who came to Sweden as UMs during 2014–2016. We focus on unaccompanied boys from Afghanistan since they are one of the largest groups of UMs in Sweden (Migrationsverket, 2019), and since there has been a debate about UMs from Afghanistan and whether they should be granted amnesty and obtain a permanent residence permit (Amnesty International, 2020). Moreover, there has been a debate about boys from Afghanistan, their views on equality and gender, and their capacity for integration, which has created a polarized debate in Sweden (Regeringskansiliet, 2016). By specifically exploring the experiences of UMs from Afghanistan and their understandings of integration, we hope to present knowledge about what facilitates or complicates integration. To achieve this, UMs’ experiences and agency and the complexity of their lives and experiences need to be recognized (Lalander & Herz, 2018; Thommessen & Todd, 2018).

Accordingly, the aim of this study was to gain knowledge about how UMs understand integration and how they sense that integration could be enhanced. Through the participants narratives about their everyday experiences, nuanced knowledge about what contributes to integration might be achieved. Such knowledge supports the development of meaningful and fruitful interventions aimed at integration, and might be supportive for professionals such as social workers, teachers, psychologists, those involved in care homes, as well as volunteer workers within the civil society and laypersons who encounter UMs.

Materials and methods

Participants and procedure

Seven young men, 18–23 years old, participated in the study. They were from Afghanistan, had come to Sweden as UMs, and had lived in Sweden from three to seven years. By the time of the interviews, five of them were in upper secondary school, one had a full-time job, and one was in an introductory school program. Inclusion criteria were; (1) being from Afghanistan, (2) having a permanent residence in Sweden, (3) being 18 years or older (4) having come to Sweden as an UM, (5) having been in Sweden for at least three years. Thereby, the participants had relatively stable living conditions as well as experiences of being in Sweden for some time; experiences that are important for the aim of this study. Since our participants had been in Sweden for at least three years, they could reflect on their personal experiences with a perspective of both proximity and distance. Moreover, we avoided including individuals in specifically vulnerable positions, including individuals under the age of 18.

Participants were recruited through non-governmental organizations that encounter UMs. Staff members administered written information about the study and the inclusion criteria. Interested persons could contact the interviewer, who is also the first author, through telephone or e-mail. During this first contact, they were informed that their anonymity was assured and that they could discontinue their participations without giving any reason for this.

The interviews were performed at a place and time chosen by each participant. Before the interviews started, the participants were given written and oral information about the study. They were informed that they did not have to answer questions they found uncomfortable, that no participant could be identified in the written report, and they were invited to pose questions about the interview and the written report. Thereafter, they signed the form that signified their choice to participate. The interviewer is from Afghanistan, and accordingly the participants could choose whether they wanted to speak Swedish or Dari. Five participants chose to speak Dari, two chose Swedish. Dari was the mother tongue of all participants.

Interview

The aim of the interviews was to encourage the participants to talk about their everyday experiences, how they understand integration, and describe situations and experiences they sensed support integration. In studies concerning participants’ experiences, all participants should be represented in the final report, and to assure this, 3–16 participants have been recommended as relevant (Robinson, 2014). A relatively low number of participants also permits analysis of similarities as well as variances in their experiences (Smith, Flowers, & Larkin, 2009) and limits the risk of “drowning in data” (Robinson, 2014). According to Schreier (2018), exact criteria concerning the number of participants in qualitative studies is subject to debate. She concluded that a minimum of six and a maximum of twelve participants may be reasonable in studies based on in-depth interviews. Our ambition was to focus on the participants’ unique life experiences and narratives. Therefore, we considered it reasonable to include six to eight participants.

The interviews were focused on the narratives of the participants. Therefore, the interview guide included topics the participants were invited to talk about, rather than detailed questions. The introductory question was; “Can you please tell me about your experiences of arriving here in Sweden?”. Thereafter, the following topics were covered; (1) understanding of integration, (2) activities and interventions that support integration, (3) contacts with professionals and laypersons, (4) suggestions on how integration could be supported. The interviewer asked the participants to give examples, and follow-up questions were open-ended. Thereby, the participants were invited to narrate their experiences with their own words and in ways they chose themselves. This supports rich and detailed interview data that might illuminate unexpected aspects of the studied phenomenon (Seidman, 2019). Toward the end of the interview, they were asked if they wanted to add, change, or clarify anything.

The interviews were performed in July and August 2019 in four Swedish cities. With the participants’ permission, they were audio recorded. The interviews were 60 to 120 minutes long and transcribed verbatim. Dari is a language that is notably different from English and Swedish. The ambition was to translate the interviews made in Dari as accurately as possible. Some expressions however had to be changed. Thereby, some nuances might have been “lost in translation”. Quotes from the interviews were translated into English by the authors. Names, and details that could have identified the participants were excluded from the transcripts.

The interviewer has his roots in Afghanistan and speaks Dari. Thereby, possible linguistic misunderstandings during the interview were reduced (Kale & Syed, 2010). As an interviewer, one cannot however rely on shared language and background, since such reliance might conceal differences between persons from the same country, and create a false image of culture as absolute (Pon, 2009). The interviewer strived to reduce biased interpretations and misunderstandings through asking the participants to describe their personal everyday experiences and give concrete examples. The second author, has no connection to Afghanistan. Accordingly, the participants’ narratives were reflected on by one person who is familiar with, and one who is unfamiliar with, the participants’ background. Such different perspectives contribute to a multifaceted understanding of the participants’ narratives.

Analysis

The interview transcripts were analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). In IPA, the researchers strive to understand the participants’ experiences and how they understand the studied phenomenon, while acknowledging the complex social world of each participant (Smith et al., 2009). Since this is in line with the aim of this study, IPA was considered appropriate. Moreover, in IPA, both similar and varying experiences are analyzed (Willig, 2013) which makes it relevant for explorative studies such as ours.

We followed the method of analysis described by Smith et al. (2009). In the first step, the interviews were listened to, and initial notes concerning the participants’ narratives and the researchers’ reflections were taken. In the second step, the transcripts were read and reread and provisional codes were formulated. The codes concerned experiences, emotions, and reactions as well as words and metaphors the participants used. In the third step, the codes were scrutinized and those with similar content were grouped into preliminary themes. Thereby, a more abstract level of analysis was reached. In order to assure that the preliminary themes were grounded in the participants’ narratives, they were continuously compared to the transcripts. Some preliminary themes were excluded, others merged with each other, and new ones were formulated. Both the initial codes and the preliminary themes could concern short expressions as well as longer sections of the transcripts. In the fourth step, the preliminary themes were related to each other and those with similar content were grouped together, creating the themes that are to be presented. In the fifth step, the results were scrutinized to assure that they were grounded in the transcripts and captured the aim of the study. Finally, the results were related to each transcript to assure that all participants and their experiences were represented, and relevant quotations were identified (Smith et al., 2009).

Ethical reflections

Research concerning UMs involves ethical dilemmas. Interviews might for example invoke difficult memories. Simultaneously, the image of UMs as “damaged” might be reinforced by over-emphasizing the risks of invoking difficulties. The interviewer, who is a licensed psychologist, was prepared to handle negative reaction, for example, through giving each participant opportunity to talk about difficulties, or take pauses and consider whether he wanted to continue. No participants however expressed negative reactions or decided to discontinue. Moreover, we submit that ethical questions are not only about protecting participants from harm but also about acknowledging their perspectives and agency.

The study was approved by the Regional Ethics Review Board, Gothenburg university.

Results

The aim of the study was to gain knowledge about how UMs understand integration and how it might be enhanced. Through the analysis, the following four themes were identified; Integration as a process, Relationships, The importance of concrete support and stable living conditions, and Encouraging experiences. The first theme captures the participants’ broad understanding of integration, while the other three capture more specific aspects of their experiences. Each theme is illustrated with quotations. To assure anonymity, parts of the quotations have been excluded, which is marked with/ … /. The results cannot capture the richness of each individual’s experience, neither be seen as clear-cut. They should rather be seen as conceptualizations of the participants’ multifaceted narratives and experiences.

Integration as a process

The participants understood integration as a process that was influenced partly by their own development and determination, and partly by the social context and interaction with others. According to them, integration is not a state that is achieved once and for all. Integration rather evolves in varying ways, influenced by personal experiences and present situations. Personal experiences included emotional reactions during the migration process and evolving relationships with other UMs and Swedish citizens. The present situations concerned stable living conditions and support to understand the Swedish society and its laws, the school system, and the roles of the various professionals one encountered.

All participants underlined the importance of learning the language and understanding social codes. Integration was also understood as connected to employment, paying income tax, and voting in general elections and thereby influencing the country’s governance. Moreover, integration was about finding meaning, fulfilling one’s possibilities, contributing to society and fellow human beings, and sense that Sweden was one’s new homeland. This is expressed in the following quote;

To me, integration means that you see Sweden as your home. To have the inner sense that, this is the country you will live in forever, or at least for a very long time. I think that the key to integration is to develop one’s own potential. Every human being has an inner potential, to be more than we are.

The participants also spoke about experiences that had been counterproductive to integration. Isolation was perceived as a major obstacle since it enhances insecurity, sometimes complicated by grief and longing for family members. It was underlined that it is important to hinder loneliness and isolation but simultaneously sensed that they themselves needed to accept that things take time, so that they did not demand too much from themselves. When the participants came to Sweden, they had ”big dreams” concerning what they wanted to achieve in life. This could concern prestigious educations or ideas about providing financial support to one’s relatives. By the time of the interview, they underlined the importance of more realistic dreams and expectations concerning for example education and employment. Realistic expectations were understood as supportive of integration. The following quote illustrates this shift from “big dreams” to more ”realistic dreams”.

When I came to Sweden I wanted to become a dentist, but now I realize that it is a long way there/ … /now I just want to get into working life and support myself.

The integration process was also characterized by a growing sense of responsibility toward the new country. This meant that they strived to be part of the Swedish society and contribute to it on a macro as well on a micro-level. Sweden had welcomed and supported them and they now wanted to show their thankfulness and give something back. Some participated in the municipality’s integration council and thereby strived to improve integration, others engaged in voluntary work and provided support to marginalized citizens. Our participants also spoke about the need to contribute financially, through being employed and paying taxes. The quotation below illustrates one participant’s understanding of integration as connected to employment and responsibilities;

To me, integration is about work. To have a work, as a Swedish person, and pay taxes like Swedish people do, and that you need to know your rights as well as your responsibilities. To know that you for example are not allowed to cross the street when the light is red./ … /To me, integration doesn’t mean that you need to know the language perfect, to one hundred percent. There are lots of people who do not know the language perfectly but nevertheless are well integrated in the Swedish society.

The participants also had to ”say farewell” to some parts of their heritage, and thereby make place for something new. They understood themselves as “in between”; not yet fully part of the Swedish society and culture. To enhance a sense of integration, they strived to combine Afghan and Swedish perspectives. Choices were made concerning heritage, traditions, and cultural preferences and the participants emphasized that “By picking parts from both Swedish and Afghan culture that are good for me, I can create my own culture”. Some participants worked in the elderly care during school holidays. There they encountered elderly persons who lived in isolation. This made them reflect on the more collective lifestyle they had grown up with. They were skeptical about the Swedish tendency to have elderly persons living in care facilities, or alone in apartments, instead of together with relatives. One participant explicitly said ”I will never be so Swedish that I allow old people to be alone”. Encounters with elderly Swedish persons were appreciated, since the elderly, simply by being there and talking to our participants, provided understandings of the Swedish society and traditions, which supported the integration process, as expressed in the following quotation;

I’m still on a journey, and I need to continue/ … /During summer I’m working a lot and it supports my sense of integration very much. I work within the care for the elderly and when I’m at work I sit with the elderly and we talk a lot to each other. They tell me about how it was for them in the old days and about when they were young.

Relationships

The participants understood emotional relationships as important for their perception of themselves, others, and the Swedish society. Those who had ”Swedish friends” felt that their friends supported them to practice the language and understand social codes. Moreover, friends gave a sense of connectedness and of being part of the society. The participants also described meaningful and mutual relationships with teachers, social workers, and laypersons. Little by little a social network was established, as expressed by one of our participants;

When I started studying Swedish, I had a Swedish teacher and tried to stay in touch with her, also outside school. To me, that was the first step toward meeting and getting to know people. When I met this teacher, she introduced me to her friends and through her friends I got to know a lot of other people.

Our participants understood grownups as important guides who could give advice concerning contacts with schools, social services, and the Migration Agency. The legal guardian was mentioned as an important adult who assisted the participant in for example choosing a suitable school and finding accommodation. Moreover, the legal guardian provided emotional support during difficult periods. One participant described how the legal guardian “had a strong positive influence on me/ … /and she became like a parent to me”.

It was also important to be treated as other teenagers, since this provided a sense of being “like others”. Therefore, the participants sensed that those who encounter and work with UMs should talk to them about their present situation, everyday experiences and the future rather than about migration and traumatic experiences. Moreover, small talk could be a prerequisite for approaching difficult topics.

So, my advice is to “move slowly”/ … /. It’s better to ask about everyday issues such as “How are things going in school”; “How do you spend your days”/ … /. When you know someone and feel secure with that person, then they can ask anything.

According to our participants, it is easier to assimilate knowledge about society, rights, responsibilities, and social codes when these issues are discussed and practiced within a trustful relationship.

Those who work with unaccompanied minors should guide them and remind them that some things are not accepted here in Sweden. I remember for example, when I came to Sweden, a staff member at the care home where I lived told me that in Sweden you don’t ask a woman about her age. When he said this, it was an important experience for me, when he taught me that you don’t ask about a woman’s age because it’s a sensitive question to many people. I also remember that he told me that in Sweden you should never ask anybody how much they earn. So, it’s important that everyone who works with unaccompanied minors strives to inform them about norms and values in Sweden. We come from another country and we cannot know everything from the first day we arrive.

Lack of relationships, social as well as intimate, had been troublesome for our participants. Loneliness was understood as a direct cause of dysphoria, worries, and times of hopelessness, and was connected to a longing for family members, difficulties in establishing relationships with Swedish teenagers, but also to difficulties with the language and lack of knowledge about social codes. One participant described loneliness as “a huge burden to parts of my development”. Loneliness was also understood as connected to differences between Swedish and Afghan ways of living. It should be noted that the participants had a multifaceted background and many have lived in other countries than Afghanistan. They however presented themselves as coming from Afghanistan and they used the word Afghan when they spoke about their heritage and background. Even though the participants expressed loving appreciation of Sweden, the Swedish way of living was understood as too individualistic. Since the participants were used to collective ways of living, feelings of loneliness and alienation evolved;

In Sweden, people are forced to be very lonely, the entire social structure is based on an individualistic model. I come from Afghanistan and there, life is more social, and collective, and you live more with your family.

The participants also highlighted the importance of belonging to a social network of friends with similar life experiences and backgrounds. Such a network reduced loneliness and provided emotional support during difficult times, illustrated in the following quote;

My friends have been very important to me/ … /those days when we really needed each other’s support, we were there for each other/ … /we have laughed together, but also cried together.

Some participants suggested that since many elderly Swedish individuals are lonely, the elderly and unaccompanied minors should come together. They also described that while elderly individuals are lonely and longing for company, younger Swedish individuals seem stressed, and this stress contributes to loneliness since people do not have time for each other.

You don’t see many people in Sweden, you don’t hear sounds from them, or laughter. But in my home country there was more life, more vivid, and more sounds in the streets/ … /I have tried to forget my past/ … /but this new world is in a way colorless to me/ … /. People have no time for each other, most people mind their own business, their school or work/ … /. In a way, people interact with each other as if they are colleagues at work.

The importance of concrete support and stable living conditions

It also came forth that concrete personal support and practical interventions centered on stable living conditions were understood as fundamental for integration. For some participants, the long wait for a residence could cause intense worry that made it difficult to study and learn Swedish. Concrete support from lawyers and legal guardians was specifically mentioned since this was important for obtaining a permanent residence which in turn made stable living conditions possible. Some participants nevertheless sensed that worry and insecurity could enhance their determination to succeed in school and learn the language since they hoped that this would increase the possibility to receive a permanent residence. Still, our participants described difficulties to handle overwhelming worries and they wished that they had more access to concrete support.

Concrete support to “find new ways into the Swedish society”, was understood as fundamental for integration. Interventions that could lead to a job during weekends and school holidays were specifically mentioned. To work during school holidays was important for building relationships, learning more about society, and practicing the language.

A summer job enhances integration a lot. Through a summer job, you might also make new friends, who you could encounter also when the summer job is over/ … /during summer and when you have a summer job it is easier to relate to people, since you only have your job to think about.

When this participant spoke about only having the job to think about, he refers to the lack of school work during summer. All the participants were determined to succeed in school and they appreciated when staff members at care homes helped them with their homework. They also appreciated the opportunity to encounter a “contact family”.¹ Contact families gave a concrete sense of integration and provided opportunities to learn the language, find a work, connect with other teenagers, understand social codes, and celebrate Swedish Holidays. Contact with Swedish families and teenagers could also be established informally, for example through nonprofit-associations or through being part of sports associations or creative activities.

I think various associations are immensely important for integration/ … /to be part of associations has really changed my life./ … /. These associations have contributed a rich social life for me. I have become part of many social networks thanks to associations, and I have got to know a lot of people.

Encouraging experiences

The participants described many activities, interventions, and experiences that had encouraged and strengthened them. They spoke about activities they engaged in by themselves as well as social activities that provided support, or simply were joyful. Activities could also be a way to advance one’s language skill, as expressed in the following quote;

I used to listen to Melissa Horn² and sing along/ … /but now I listen to other styles, such as rap music and I sense that I know the language better/ … /. Music has really helped me a lot/ … /. I don’t remember if it was one or two years ago/ … /I was listening to so many different songs and tried to sing along. I remember the evenings, when I should go to bed, my throat was sore because I had been singing all day in order to learn Swedish pronunciations/ … /. I also listened to Podcasts, in the evenings I had headphones on/ … /. And sometimes, I remember, I dreamt in Swedish.

Some participants were part of non-governmental organizations and local nonprofit-associations and engaged in voluntary work. This gave a sense of meaning, and it was rewarding to support others. One participant described his involvement in voluntary work with the following words; “I’m working voluntary quite a lot/ … /in a regular job, you work to get money but when you work voluntary, you work from your heart and because you want to contribute”. Voluntary work also provided opportunities to learn the language and understand social codes. Simultaneously, the participants understood enjoyable leisure activities as important, since some amusement was needed as a break from the seriousness of school work and other duties. Creative activities were understood as opportunities to express one’s inner thoughts and such activities could prevent rumination and provide opportunities to loosen up and have fun. This is expressed in the following two quotes about creative writing and dancing.

When I was lonesome, I used to write short stories, poems, and paint, and thereby I was busy doing something so that I didn’t think about difficulties.

At the care home we had ”Friday dance” once a month. We put music on, then we got dressed in sunglasses and wigs and we danced/ … /. It was such fun to be there and to have fun together with friends and staff members. And it was fun to see the others doing this, It was great because you didn’t need to know the language/ … /. It was just great to be there and dance together.

The participants wished their experiences could be helpful for others and gave some advice to other UMs. They wanted to encourage newly arrived UMs to be part of organizations and associations, talk to others about thoughts and feelings, and also to find small things in life that are encouraging and meaningful and give a sense of satisfaction and serenity. One participant said; “To go down to the sea, that’s a way for me to gain strength. It makes me calm”.

It was also underlined the one should make efforts from the first day of arrival, and focus on learning the language since this gives a sense of mastery. Moreover, they said that it is important to be determined, even without a permanent residence, and remember what they have been through. The strength they used during their journey could encourage them to endure other difficulties. They also sensed that one has responsibilities toward the new country. Therefore, it is important to reject criminal activities and drugs, and respect laws and equality between men and women. According to the participants, this is also a way of taking responsibility toward other unaccompanied minors so that Swedish citizens do not become hostile toward them. Even though the participants understood popular culture, such as popular music, as a way of learning social codes and language skills, they sensed that one should not allow oneself to be passive and ”relax too much” and just watch television. It was important to find a balance between ambitions, education, leisure activities, social activities, and rest;

I want to say to other unaccompanied, that the language is of immense importance. And moreover, you shouldn’t be lazy. Don’t do stupid things because it will affect other unaccompanied in negative ways. I can understand that one might be young and a bit stupid but try not to enact behaviors that will have a negative influence on people’s perception of unaccompanied. Sweden is one of the best countries in the world and you can become what you want to become here, so take care of your opportunities. I believe in unaccompanied. One day, when we have a work and we pay or taxes, we will be appreciated and respected. I believe that such a day will come and I believe in all unaccompanied.

Discussion

The aim of this interview study was to gain knowledge about how young Afghan men, who came to Sweden as UMs during 2014–2016 understand integration and how integration might be enhanced. The interviews were analyzed using IPA and four themes were identified; Integration as a process, Relationships, The importance of concrete support and stable living conditions, and Encouraging experiences. Our participants experienced integration as a process that evolved on a personal, interpersonal, and societal level. They spoke about the importance of learning the language and being determined. Relationships with Swedish teenagers and grownups were emphasized. Moreover, leisure and social activities, being a member of an association, or engaging in creative activities, were meaningful and provided opportunities for interpersonal encounters and for understanding social codes. This is in line with prior studies that have shown that connectedness, a decent socio-economic situation, stable living conditions, and opportunities to learn the language, support integration (Carswell et al., 2011; Varvin, 2017; Vervliet et al., 2014). Moreover, prior studies indicate that creatives activities might be a context in which youth from different backgrounds can encounter each other, and understand social codes (Korjonen-Kuusipuro, Kuusisto, & Tuominen, 2019).

As previously mentioned, the concept of integration is complex and multidimensional (Hack-Polay & Igwe Paul, 2019; Kyeremeh et al., 2019; Valenta & Bunar, 2010). Results from this study indicate that integration is not achieved once and for all, but rather a transformative process. This is in line with Hack-Polay and Igwe Paul’s (2019) view of integration as multi-dimensional. According to our participants, integration develops through interpersonal relationships with grownups, peers, professionals, and laypersons. But they also mentioned the importance of citizenship, responsibility, the opportunity to pay taxes, and vote. In other words, to our participants, integration is connected to overcoming challenges on a macro as well as on a micro-level, and can be seen as a “two-way process”, which is in line with Korac’s (2003) and Kyeremeh et al’s (2019) descriptions of integration

A key aspect in our participants’ understanding of integration, is the opportunity to contribute to the new country and they strived to contribute both on a macro and a micro level. On a micro level, the importance of voluntary work aimed at other vulnerable citizens was emphasized. Some participants were also involved in associations that supported newly arrived UMs. On a macro level, the participants emphasized the importance of giving back to the welfare state. Their emphasis on the importance of paying taxes could be understood as their concrete way of contributing to the welfare state. Paying taxes might also be understood as a symbol of integration, since it shows that one is part of the society and thereby equal to other citizens. Furthermore, the participants emphasized the importance of voting and thereby contributing to democracy.

Based on these findings, we propose that strivings to contribute to the new country should be seen as a dimension of integration. Accordingly, UMs should not be perceived as passive recipients of resources and efforts. On the contrary, their capacity to contribute to the new country should be recognized and encouraged. Simultaneously, it should be remembered that individuals who are in vulnerable positions have different capabilities, and these might vary with time. Lack of capability is not about passivity, but about vulnerability, and vulnerability might be counteracted, for example through concrete support, relationships, and opportunities for connectedness as well as personal growth.

Based on the findings, we propose that integration is not only about UMs; it is about everyone, and about society as a whole. We also propose that UMs, with their understanding of social connectedness, their determination, and ideas about how to counteract loneliness and passivity, are able to contribute with concrete support and with awareness of the importance of mutual relationships, to Sweden and other Western countries that are influenced by individualistic perspectives (Aytar & Brunnberg, 2016). Accordingly, interventions should not be seen as distributed to UMs, but should as far as possible be created together with them. Several of our participants wanted to get in contact with elderly Swedish citizens since this was an opportunity for mutual relationships and learning. The UMs could learn the Swedish language and achieve knowledge about Swedish traditions and they could counteract isolation among the elderly. We, therefore, suggest that interventions could include UMs and elderly citizens and both UMs and the elderly should have opportunities to influence how these interventions are planned and carried out.

Previous studies (Ascher et al., 2019; Kien et al., 2019) have described UMs as likely to develop mental, emotional, and behavioral difficulties, and UMs tend to be seen as traumatized and vulnerable (Kaukko, 2016). Our participants indeed described periods of joylessness and hopelessness but those experiences were not perceived as expressions of mental illness or individual problems. They understood their difficulties as the result of loneliness, insecurity, grief, and longing for family members. This is in line with research by Seidel and James (2019) who discuss lack of sustainable relationships as a factor that exacerbates UMs’ conditions. Our participant felt that these difficulties were best counteracted by social contacts, emotional relationships, support to understand social codes and how society works, and by being recognized as citizens that are able and willing to contribute. To accomplish this, interventions within social services need to be protected from detailed guidelines and structured, time-limited methods as well as from diminishing medicalized perspectives (Simmons, 2012).

Migration involves loss of continuity, homeland, friends, former identity, and language (Tummala-Narra, 2014) but also involves motivation, strength, and hope (Seidel & James, 2019; Wernesjö, 2012). Our participants show that UMs are eager to contribute to their new country and they do not express tendencies to exclusively socialize with those who share their background, or to one-sidedly preserve their cultural heritage and traditions, which refugees are often portrayed to do (Pon, 2009). On the contrary, they valued and longed for relationships with Swedish teenagers and grownups, which contradict ideas about so-called clashes between cultures that are believed to complicate integration (Eliassi, 2017). Based on the results from this study, obstacles to integration is not culture, but rather an unemployment, loneliness, unstable living conditions, and lack of concrete support. We, therefore, suggest that UMs should be invited to develop interventions aimed at concrete support and at establishing supportive relationships, for example, through leisure activities, encounters with elderly citizens, and voluntary work. The content of interventions should be formulated together with UMs, so that their agency is recognized. Interventions should be characterized by openness and flexibility so that they might be changed and improved if they turn out to be inadequate. There should also be varying interventions. This counteracts interventions based on a “top down” based on the approach that “one size fits all”. Furthermore, it should be mentioned that Sweden is a country with a strong civil society and a long tradition of voluntary organizations and nonprofit associations. Such organizations and associations also have a strong commitment to supporting newly arrived refugees, and to activities that promote integration (Myrberg, 2011). It seems adequate for professionals who encounter UMs to cooperate with such organizations. So that opportunities for meaningful activities and relationships are created. Through such mutual encounters and exchange of experience, a “we” can evolve instead of a perception of “them” and “us” (Jarlby et al., 2018), which is in line with our participants’ understanding of integration.

Limitations

Our study has several limitations. Our ambition was to understand the participants experiences through listening to their narratives. This approach helped us to see the complexity of their everyday life and their experiences of integration. However, the study might be perceived as somewhat scattered. Future studies could be more specific and investigate specific dimensions of integration. This study concerns a small and relatively homogeneous group in Sweden. Therefore, the results should not be taken as a representation of all UMs, and not as applicable to any context or nation. Moreover, the experiences of UM girls need to be acknowledged in future studies.

Conclusion

Migration to Europe and Sweden has created a demand for research regarding integration (Donato & Ferris, 2020; Wernesjö, 2020; Zubikova, 2020). The present study investigated how Afghan UMs understand integration and how integration could be enhanced. Seven young men who came to Sweden as UMs between 2014 and 2016 participated in interviews, which were analyzed using IPA. The analysis showed that integration was enhanced by meaningful relationships, connectedness, and concrete support and stability, as well as by being recognized as a citizen who can contribute to the new country. Contribution could be about voluntary work, engagement in associations, connectedness to fellow human beings, not least the elderly, and to paying taxes. Education, employment, and leisure activities were also important for integration. The participants described periods of joylessness and hopelessness which they understood as connected to loneliness, insecurity, sadness, and longing for family members. According to them, these difficulties were best counteracted through concrete support, stable living conditions, intimate and social relationships, and socially oriented activities. We, therefore, suggest that interventions aimed at UMs should include concrete support, socially oriented activities, acknowledge the importance of relationships, and be cooperatively created.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Allmänna barnhuset [2018-245].

Notes on contributors

Mostafa Hosseini

Mostafa Hosseini is a licensed psychologist and research assistant at Gothenburg university. He has his roots in Afghanistan but grew up in Sweden. He has worked with unaccompanied refugee minors and for the organizations Save the Children and the Swedish National Board for Youth Affairs. As a result of his personal journey and his professional experience, Mostafa's research interest concerns migration and belonging and he is interested in exploring the transformation within the migration process.

Elisabeth Punzi

Elisabeth Punzi is a licensed psychologist, PhD and associate professor at the Department of Social Work, Gothenburg university. Her research concerns how interventions might be adapted to the needs of each unique individual, and the prerequisites for providing client client-centered care. She is interested in Mad studies, connections between heritage, culture, identity, creative expressions and mental health, and writes about the relationship between Judaism and psychoanalysis. She teaches courses in mental health and qualitative research.

Notes

¹ The Swedish social services might connect children and teenagers with various psychosocial needs with a family the child/teenager can establish relationships with and spend holidays and weekends with.

² Melissa Horn is a popular Swedish singer-songwriter who composes pop music that integrates elements of Swedish folk music.