Emotions, senses, experience and the history of education

ABSTRACT

This article considers how past and current research on the history of education has intersected with the histories of emotions, senses and experience. The article suggests that addressing these features and by drawing on approaches from a burgeoning field of research on the emotions and senses, as well as using methodologies from the ‘new’ history of experience, offers fresh possibilities for the writing and understanding of education in the past. Following a brief survey of current and past research, the article proceeds to highlight some of the possible directions where researchers might engage with the emotions, senses and experience more deeply to produce innovative and original research that would further expand the history of education.

KEYWORDS:

• History
• historiography
• emotions
• senses
• experience

There are many ways to write the history of education. In this article, I suggest that attending to emotions as part of the history of education offers a range of new possibilities for the writing and understanding of the subject. Focusing on emotions provides one of the most obvious ways in which to understand the experience of education: how it feels and what it means to acquire knowledge and skill, and the feelings that might be elicited by the process of education. It also allows space to consider the influence of teaching, learning and knowledge on feeling in turn, including what emotions can be freely expressed, and which required management and control. Considering emotion within the history of education allows us to explore how we experience and engage with sites of learning, and how these spaces too, shape our way of being and of knowing and the meanings we assign to such experiences.

The history of education is, as Gary McCulloch notes, a contested field of study but one that has become increasingly diverse and stimulating over the last decades.¹ Scholars have used a number of approaches to examine education in the past, but recently, the historiography has focused on areas including teaching theory and methodology, curriculum history, the impact of progressive educational policies, education policy and experience across the Empire, the disadvantage, exclusion, and marginalisation of specific social groups, and the ways that gender, race, and disability have shaped teaching and learning in the past. Formal public educational institutions, particularly those intended for children and young people, have received the most attention but in recent decades, scholarship has paid greater attention to different forms of adult and vocational education, the informal modes of teaching and learning accessible to different social groups over the centuries, histories of literacy, social histories of education and the experience of learning.

Emotion has begun to figure strongly as an approach in historical inquiry since the affective turn in the 1990s. As an interpretive framework, it is becoming an established part of the discipline of history. Historians of emotion have tended to concentrate their focus on several areas. This has included the examination of specific emotions and their expression, such as fear, shame, anger, and happiness; the family and its role as the principal site for children’s socialisation and emotional development; relationships that were expressions of romantic or parental love; and emotional culture and expression in particular social and cultural domains, such as religion, the law, medicine and health, and work. The focus on the study of the emotions as part of the history of education is relatively recent but it demonstrates that the history of emotions offers a valuable basis of conceptual analysis for understanding educational culture and experiences in the past. The history of education as a field of study then has the potential to be invigorated through further critical engagement with the theories, methodologies and approaches offered by the affective turn.

The first part of this article explores how the history of emotions has been incorporated into scholarship about educational history. In doing so, it highlights some of the historiographical focal points in such research, while also pointing to some of the notable gaps in our knowledge where greater attention to the emotions might help shed light on new perspectives about education in the past. The second part of the article reflects on some of the future directions that the study of educational history might take through its intersection with the emotions. Thus, it draws attention to specific opportunities presented to scholars who seek to attend to the emotions in their historical inquiry.

It would be relevant here to briefly outline the terminology I use in this article and the scope of what it refers to. The term education in this article aims to be expansive in its scope to encompass various forms of learning for children and adults: it refers not only to formal educational institutions such as systems of schooling, but also to various informal processes of learning, including the transmission of knowledge and skills in the home and through other social and cultural institutions. Meanwhile, emotion has been a somewhat slippery and ambivalent term in scholarship: there has been a tendency to use emotion interchangeably with other words such as affections, sensitivities and feelings. Debates about the nature/nurture and constructivist/universalist basis for understanding emotional phenomena are sustained in debates across disciplines.² The term emotion here also seeks to be expansive and inclusive, acknowledging that language and words used to signal emotion are not universal and can change in meaning over time. As such, affection, sensitivity and feeling are included in the interpretation of emotion here. The interest in emotion in the history of education is also gradually being extended to the senses, as this article demonstrates. Despite the often separate treatment of emotions and senses, which has resulted in the diverging of these fields historiographically, this article acknowledges that the senses are inextricable from emotions, and as such, highlights the directions that future research may take if attending to both.³

Historiographical survey

Emotional norms and communities: educating the emotions

Education, whether formal or informal, provides a site in which emotions are trained and controlled. This is especially the case for children. Educational settings are where children are civilised: a process that is achieved, in part, by the regulation and management of some emotions, and the cultivation of other more ‘acceptable’, normative emotions. Scholars have paid attention to the various attempts to direct, manipulate, and shape emotional experience and expression within these settings over time. In such works, conceptual tools such as Peter and Carol Stearns’ ‘emotionology’, William Reddy’s ‘emotional regimes’, and Barbara Rosenwein’s ‘emotional communities’ have all been deployed by scholars in seeking to uncover the emotional norms and styles that were constructed, promoted, accepted or resisted in any given place or time.⁴ Emotions are learned and shaped by context: place, space, and time all play an important role in how emotions are constructed, experienced, articulated, and understood. Education and the emotions, then, are interdependent. Although increasing knowledge about child psychology and development across the twentieth century resulted in a focus on children’s emotions, wellbeing, and resilience, scholarship has demonstrated that young people’s emotional training has a much longer and often-forgotten history. The management and training of the emotions was, for example, central to the educational philosophies promoted across the Enlightenment period.⁵ Meanwhile, other works point to earlier attempts to shape children’s emotional development. Annemarieke Willemsen, for example, has used three surviving school codes from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries to explore how schools constructed and enforced emotional norms in the classroom, schoolyard, and dormitory settings.⁶

Given this intrinsic relationship between emotions and education, scholarship has naturally focused on the way in which emotions and emotional expression were learned. Historically, the cultivation of specific emotional traits was associated with the attainment of shifting ideals of masculinity and femininity. Scholarship has been specific and detailed in focus, using particular types of sources to investigate the distinct emotional ideals attached to notions about childhood and gender and promoted in educational settings at particular times and in different locations.⁷ A range of child-rearing and educational literature used within both the family and school setting further promoted the regulation of speech, behaviour and bodily expression.⁸ Peter Stearns and Timothy Haggerty turn to advice manuals aimed at middle-class parents to chart the emergence of a new emotional culture in the nineteenth century and the increasing differentiation between the emotions according to gender.⁹ Their survey shows how expressions of fear became an increasingly undesirable emotion and that boys were expected to manage and overcome this emotion, instead to display a masculine ideal of courage.¹⁰ Literary products aimed at child readers become the focus of research about children’s emotional education between 1870–1970 in Learning How to Feel by Ute Frevert, Pascal Eitler, Stephanie Olsen, et al. ¹¹ This scholarship has taken an international perspective to examine how children were taught how to feel and express emotions. It argues that gendered patterns of emotional expression became less distinct across this period, and children were encouraged to take greater responsibility for their own emotional development, and the representation of their ‘authentic’ selves. The socialisation of children is of central importance in the study, and as such, research focuses not only on the emotional interactions between adults and children but also on children’s emotional engagements with their peers. In doing so, the work charts the shifting attitudes about children’s emotional learning and expression across a long chronology and demonstrates the various tools and strategies that literary products promoted for children to navigate the emotional cultures of their everyday lives.

The moral education of children is a particularly well-trodden area of research. The cultivation of emotional ideals, like courage, became a significant objective for more formal educational establishments too. Jeroen Dekker and Inga Wichgers, for example, have shown how children’s emotional and moral training was an integral part of a missionary movement in Europe in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.¹² Thomas Dixon has used an array of British sources to demonstrate, for example, the attention paid to the education of the emotions in late nineteenth-century classrooms.¹³ Similarly, Joakim Landahl has shown the increasing emotionalisation of education during the second half of the nineteenth century in his study of Swedish mass schooling: he demonstrates that the emotional aspects of teaching and learning became crucial to the way in which power operated within the educational setting.¹⁴ But the emotional and moral training of children also took place beyond the formal educational setting.¹⁵ Stephanie Olsen’s work demonstrates the variety of didactic literature produced by reformers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that promoted ideals of moderation, emotional restraint, and responsible citizenship to boys.¹⁶

Scholars have investigated how moral and emotional training within the school setting helped to promote contemporary ideals about citizenship, national and imperial culture.¹⁷ In many cases, emotions have also had a place in the classroom in relation to political and democratic education.¹⁸ Kira Mahamud has shown how sentimental narratives employed within primary education textbooks in Spain during the Franco dictatorship helped to indoctrinate children in order to socialise them politically and religiously.¹⁹ Carlos Zúñiga Nieto examines a uniquely Mexican emotional standard for boys, in which honour, the management of anger, and the use of fear as discipline were promoted.²⁰ Other works have investigated how schools played an important role in creating radically different social and political orders.²¹ Marcelo Caruso has argued that the new political regime established in Colombia in the early nineteenth century during the process of Latin American independence resulted in the construction of a new emotional regime promoted in schools that sought to regulate the ‘passions’ and help citizens feel ‘correctly’.²² Educational policy was integral to the emergence of and success of this new emotional regime. Meanwhile, emotions can also be a mode of resistance to authority or cultural norms as Marcus Aurelio Taborda de Oliveira shows in his study of how education has been used as a way to culturally resist Brazilian dictatorship.²³

Across the nineteenth century, education was framed as a necessary programme of training that helped to mould children into the right kinds of citizens. Several scholars have examined the experiences of British schools for the elite and middle classes, which adopted various routines that prepared boys physically, socially and emotionally for leadership roles at home and across the Empire.²⁴ Meanwhile, education and other types of informal training were designed to reform or transform working-class children in different ways. Imperial ambition, class and gender, and citizenship ideals all shaped how working-class children experienced educational programmes. Lydia Murdoch and Ellen Boucher, for example, have demonstrated how welfare institutions reformed the morals and character of poor children to transform them into productive, industrious citizens, many of whom would take up a role in the building and expansion of the British Empire. The emotions and the environment were also tied in the education of the working-class children. Other scholars have noted the importance of the natural world in education reform movements, an idea derived from Enlightenment philosophy about the moral, social and emotional training of working-class children in particular.²⁵ Engagements with nature, through agricultural and horticultural training within formal educational institutions, helped to teach children the emotional values of love, tenderness, kindness and care.

Emotional regimes: power, emotions, and the body

Educational establishments, whether formal or informal, are sites of power and authority. These settings have been designed to discipline bodies and regulate minds, while also shaping the character and conduct of young people. Research has interrogated how Foucauldian concepts of discipline and normalisation shaped the operations and practices of educational settings.²⁶ Schools are, as Foucault asserts, constructed to be ‘pedagogical machines’ and as such are disciplinary in nature and aims.²⁷ They are sites of containment, in which authority is imposed by the teacher who is empowered to monitor behaviour, maintain discipline, and administer punishment when required. But scholarship has moved beyond simply unpicking the power/knowledge technologies of such institutions and has shifted the gaze away from the rise of modern state power.

Instead, newer research has provided individual perspectives on institutional life and considers the everyday life of these organisations and the experiences of children and young people in a range of settings.²⁸ Such works have used various approaches drawn from the history of emotions, microhistory, and biography to engage with surviving source material in new ways to recover voices that have been lost and to get at experiences that may be partially glimpsed. Emotions then, have featured often implicitly in research that has examined the power structures of educational institutions. They are intrinsic in the construction and exercise of power and help to create an emotional culture that facilitates the creation of social order. ²⁹ The concept of ‘emotional formations’ and ‘emotional frontiers’ have also been useful to scholars who seek to understand the experiences of navigating regimes of power, or in challenging or resisting authority.³⁰ As Landahl asserts, in his exploration of the relationship between emotions, power, and education in mass schooling in nineteenth-century Sweden, power is often about keeping control over the emotions.³¹ Emotions then, become crucial in shaping the way that power operates and is experienced in the educational setting.

School has historically operated as a place for the normalisation of the body and the rationalisation of its movements. Given the corporeal turn in the 1980s and 1990s, increasing attention has been paid to the body and the senses within discussions of power and discipline in educational settings.³² Although emotions are not necessarily the central focus within such research, consideration of feeling, experience and expression are not ignored. The regulation and articulation of specific emotions were integral to children’s transformations into ideal citizens, in their training of their bodies, minds, and souls, and fundamental to experiences of teaching and learning. Bodies are expressive mediums, responding to and reflecting certain emotions and experiences in myriad ways. Disciplinary, penal and reformatory practices and their impact on the regulation and training of student bodies has been a focal point of research.³³ Björn Norlin examines how discipline and violence – physical and symbolic – inculcated contemporary moral and ethical ideas in the early modern Swedish school jail system.³⁴ Jacob Middleton explores the emotive issue of corporal punishment, and in doing so, uses autobiographical sources to reconstruct how children felt about and understood the punishments inflicted on them in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century British schools.³⁵ Stephen Toth also analyses the body in institutional processes of discipline, training, and reform in his study of Mettray, and considers how young people felt about their subjection and resistance to authority. He demonstrates how the body was a vehicle of expressions of resistance, and activities that attempted to disrupt or subvert authority and power. Meanwhile, other forms of control, such as the use of school uniforms, have been examined to highlight how they reinforced power and authority, and elicited specific feelings and behaviours.³⁶

Other works have focused on the transformation of the body. Scholars have shown how physical exercise was used to promote bodily health and strength.³⁷ Research also emphasises the importance of ideas about hygiene, treatment and rehabilitation for physical transformation. John Tagg, for example, examines the transformations of the body and expression in the contrast images taken of students in 1874, prior to their admission to and following their discharge from the ‘Home for Destitute Lads’ at Stepney.³⁸ Scholarship has similarly focused on Barnardo’s contrast photographs and the representations of children’s supposed transformation.³⁹ Meanwhile, Catherine Burke and Helena Ribeiro de Castro use school photographs to explore the performance of schooling through the body of the schoolchild.⁴⁰

The body and emotions have also been positioned centrally in expanding scholarship on the experiences of residential schools for Indigenous children during eras of forced assimilation. Across the settler colonies of the British Empire, these schools were agents of social control, based on models of industrial education of the urban poor in Britain and Europe, which were largely reformatory in nature. In the colonial context, residential schools were predicated on early colonial ideas of the malleability of Indigenous children and sought to civilise and transform students through education and training, as well as a system of physical and emotional conditioning. But in reality, they worked to sever ties to their homes, families, and communities, eliminate their Indigenous identities and cultures, and to assimilate them so that they might fit into particular (inferior) roles in the colonial social order.⁴¹ As such, these institutions have been described as genocidal.⁴² The educational policy that underpinned these establishments and intended to eliminate indigenous cultures has been well documented.⁴³ But histories of residential school experiences and descriptions of their regimes in their entirety have remained somewhat concealed in historical scholarship until the final decades of the twentieth century. Since then, historical scholarship alongside memoirs and Survivor testimony have begun to recover the experiences of students and their families, as well as some of the emotional, physical and social impacts of acculturation that took place in these sites.⁴⁴

Several historians have used photographic sources to unpick the experiences of children within residential schools, especially during the era of forced assimilation.⁴⁵ Lonna Malmsheimer has investigated the photographs produced by the Carlisle Industrial Training School to consider children’s experiences of cultural ‘transformation’ that these institutions forced.⁴⁶ She reveals the trauma that many students felt about forced practices such as adopting new names, being forbidden to wear native dress and instead required to wear military-style uniforms, and having their hair cut. Eric Margolis and Jeremy Rowe examined the transformation of the bodies of American ‘Indian’ (sic) students at the Carlisle Boarding School in Arizona, in photographs that they termed ‘images of assimilation’.⁴⁷ Meanwhile, Sherry Farrell Racette has used both photographic images and Survivor testimony to understand the cruel and sadistic arrival rituals that First Nations children experienced at these schools that aimed to eliminate their identities and transform them into ‘acceptable’ colonial subjects.⁴⁸

Other historians have turned to Survivor testimony to better understand the emotional experiences and impacts of assimilation policy. Stephanie Olsen has used the concept of ‘emotional frontiers’ and ‘emotional formations’, which she developed with Karen Vallgårda and Kristine Alexander elsewhere,⁴⁹ to examine the experiences of Residential School survivors using their testimony and recollections in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.⁵⁰ Other scholars have developed or turned to alternative methodologies to recover the voices and experiences of Residential School survivors.⁵¹ Approaches that recognise the sacredness of orality in Indigenous cultures, decentre Western perspectives and knowledge in order to privilege Indigenous world-views, and acknowledge the location of the researcher in representing Indigenous views and voices, have all helped to tell unheard and new stories about residential school experiences.⁵²

Space and the senses

The architecture of the school has been designed to exercise disciplinary power, as have the arrangement and use of furniture and classroom layout. All of these facets help to dictate posture, regulate movement, shape behaviour, and mediate relationships of authority. As such, the body of the pupil has been constantly observed, monitored, and controlled. Discipline is imparted in the educational setting through a range of bodily enactments and ritualised performances, including compulsory attendance, sitting still, listening, raising the hand to speak, and maintaining silence.⁵³ Peter and Clio Stearns have demonstrated that emotions played an integral role in maintaining discipline in the classroom historically. Shame was invoked as a popular and effective aspect of discipline and moral education across ancient societies up to the early nineteenth century, when the use of shame in the American classroom came under new attack as unnecessary, demeaning, and contrary to human dignity.⁵⁴

Meanwhile, sensory history is an approach that has begun to be recognised for the valuable contribution it can make to history of education research. Recent works have offered important insights into how the senses were mobilised in particular ways to construct and maintain power and authority within the educational environment. There is scope for greater work on the sensory landscape of education and how the senses have been invoked in the learning process and to what end. Vision has been a focus of such work, with scholars tracing ideas relating to visibility/invisibility, presence, and surveillance within the classroom. Landahl traces a particular kind of surveillance that emerged within the classroom during the nineteenth century – the gaze of the teacher who was expected to remain at their desk, giving greater visibility and presence to the teacher. This perspective allowed teachers to morally regulate the classroom, thus reinforcing their power and disciplinary role.⁵⁵ Touch has also received attention, especially given its role as the first sense invoked by children to learn about the world around them.

Similarly, there has been an increasing focus on the acoustic history of education, making an important contribution to work that has explored the sensory aspects within the history of education, which have tended to focus on the visual and material.⁵⁶ Within the educational institution, silence has generally been understood as a disciplinary element. Landahl, for example, has shown how a new method of teacher-led classes introduced in the 1860s in Sweden profoundly affected the sensory world and experience of schooling. Within the model of teacher-led education, silence played a central and disciplinary role: the teacher was imbued with new authority and power as the educator, while pupils became associated with a subservient role of listening.⁵⁷ Pieter Verstraete notes that the nineteenth century was a pivotal time period in which silence became an integral tool that ‘seduced’ children into doing particular things and acting in certain ways.⁵⁸ Crucially, he argues, silence becomes a tool that invites children to exert power over themselves – it is no longer the teacher that forces silence, but rather, it is a result of children’s conditioned will.

Meanwhile, Josephine Hoegaerts has drawn attention to the paradox of the silent classroom and the speaking citizen in her study of educational soundscapes in the nineteenth century. In studying the cultivation of vocal skills among middle-class boys, silence plays a crucial role in denoting power, discipline and control: silence functioned not simply as educational discipline, but as central to vocal education. The deployment of the correct types of silence at appropriate times could signify an individual’s intelligence, their rationality and maturity.⁵⁹ The shifting role and power of the teacher over time warrants further attention, not least for the implications for the study of the emotional dynamics of the classroom, the emotional self-fashioning of pupils, and the rearticulation of the classroom as an emotional community.⁶⁰

The place of emotions and senses in educational settings: material culture and space

The spatial and material turns have also offered methodologies to consider emotional expression and experience within distinct places, sites, and spaces. The design, decoration, and material culture of educational settings have begun to receive greater attention in recent years, enabling us to consider the importance of educational sites on the sensory and affective experiences of learners.⁶¹ Research has investigated how certain emotions can be evoked by participation and engagement in these spaces, how individuals seek to manage or regulate emotional expression, and how the senses are mobilised within these sites. Understanding the power of space in regulating movement, behaviour, and feeling has also been a focal point in research.⁶² The educational space can evoke different feelings, and this affectivity in turn, shapes how relationships are mediated and understood, as well as influencing the styles of teaching and learning that take place within these sites.

The appropriate design of educational settings has a long history: Margaret Macmillan called for closer attention to be paid to the design of educational environments, while numerous advice manuals and guidance were published across the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries to aid in the organisation and decoration of educational space.⁶³ Kindergartens, Montessori schools and open-air schools were all innovations in the design of educational environments and sensory stimulae that aimed to cultivate specific affective responses and expressions in learners and educators. As Lydia Murdoch’s work on Barnardo’s demonstrates, the material environments and spatial organisation of Barnardo’s homes, alongside daily regimes of labour and spiritual instruction, sought to reform pauper children into moral, productive citizens.⁶⁴ Meanwhile, my study of the Waifs and Strays Society – a similar charitable institution for pauper children – demonstrates the importance of material culture in the organisation’s attempts to create feelings of comfort and belonging, alongside domestic authority, for child inhabitants.⁶⁵ Materiality also encompasses other human and non-human bodies that inhabit a space. My further work also shows how major children’s institutions used animals to inculcate specific emotional traits in inhabitants in order to create ideal citizens.⁶⁶

The development of ideas about space and place and their effect on the emotions and senses of learners across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been well documented by scholars.⁶⁷ Ian Grosvenor and Catherine Burke have demonstrated that concern was expressed over the architecture and furnishing in schools as early as the eighteenth century, and that greater attention was attached to the educational building and its materiality across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries among educationalists and School Boards.⁶⁸ Their work shows how the architectural design of these institutions, and the routines and practices enacted within them, helped to organise and shape time and space for teachers and learners, as well as emotionally engage children in order to motivate learning. Jane Hamlett’s research on Victorian and Edwardian public school dormitories demonstrates how school authorities shared a common philosophy about the spatial organisation of student accommodation which was designed to achieve specific moral discipline and emotional life among students. However, as her research reveals, the spatial and material world of the dormitory could produce emotional responses that were at odds with the moral ideas that authorities hoped to encourage.⁶⁹ Here, her research underscores the tensions between how authorities might conceive of and deploy power in different spaces, and how the intended subjects responded to, negotiated, and experienced this power.

In studies of twentieth-century educational policy and school design, scholars have emphasised the increasing domestication of educational settings, particularly after the First World War, that has been central to a progressive agenda that prioritises children’s comfort, freedom, and emotional security.⁷⁰ Later in the century, Roy Kozlovsky demonstrates that children’s emotions became a key concern in social policy after the Second World War. ⁷¹ His examination of the architecture of childhood shows that space was used in deliberate ways to elicit, manage and observe children’s emotions as part of attempts to constitute an emotional model of citizenship. Through analysis of spaces for children – including the classroom, school and playground – he demonstrates that freedom of movement underpinned educational policy and school design. A focus on movement and rhythm, through activities such as dance, encouraged children to express the self through motion, and to use it to communicate with others.⁷² Such methods helped to facilitate children’s emotional expression, creativity, and agency.

Material culture also plays an important role in both the embodiment and expression of emotions.⁷³ Within the educational setting, the materiality of schools has been a focus of scholarly attention. Classroom decoration, furnishing, and the broader material environment of the school were chosen to engage the body, senses, and emotions of both learners and teachers in deliberate and specific ways.⁷⁴ Catherine Burke demonstrates that the use of colour and art in school decoration, for example, was noted to aid stimulation, imaginative expression, and cognitive development of students.⁷⁵ Furnishing and decoration created a particular sensory atmosphere, which in turn, could elicit feelings of pleasure, contentment, comfort and belonging.⁷⁶

How teachers and students made educational spaces their own and how these sites in turn sought to elicit specific emotional cultures, feelings and behaviours, has also been an area of inquiry. Hamlett demonstrates how spatial design, rules and timetables sought to shape the emotional effect of the school setting, but the lived experience of students produced unintended and unexpected emotional responses.⁷⁷ Meanwhile, Alex Dowdall demonstrates how French schools during the First World War became sites in which children encountered and negotiated new forms of material culture, such as bomb shelters and gas masks. These material changes aimed to ensure that school was a safe space for students and that their education continued as normal. And with these changes to the educational landscape came new responses from students, teachers, parents, and the wider community. Fear, anxiety, shock, courage, optimism, and defiance were all feelings that point to the emotional and psychological impacts of war that were present in the testimony of those reflecting on continuing their education under fire.⁷⁸ Other scholars have examined a range of literary sources, such as children’s periodicals and other material objects, to understand the moral conditioning and emotional responses of students during wartime periods.⁷⁹

Materiality and the spatial and built environment have played a central role in the moral conditioning of children but also in the transmission of their own culture. These environments and the material objects within them help to shape their play, social interactions and learning – all processes which involve the expression of specific cultural codes and emotional norms. As such, research has focused on less formal spaces of learning and interaction, such as the playground, and its associated forms of material culture and ‘intangible cultural heritage’.⁸⁰ Anéne Cusins-Lewer and Julia Gatley explore how the open space of Myers Kindergarten and Myers Park playground were designed to promote the physical and psychological development of children. They demonstrate that the playground was not just an important site of recreation and interaction, but instead, it became the site where ‘good citizenship’ was cultivated.⁸¹

Directions for future research

This brief survey has shown that historical research on education that attends to the emotions is beginning to become a thriving field. In this second section, I identify several ways that the history of education might engage more deeply with approaches and concepts from the history of emotions to provide opportunities for the further development of the field. This is by no means exhaustive, however. A focus on the emotions in writing the history of education allows us to confront the traditional written and documentary sources used in such historical inquiry with new and challenging questions. Additionally, by adopting tools from the history of emotions, we might also identify new types of sources to interrogate with this innovative approach that may also extend our knowledge about education in the past.

Emotional cultures of education

While there has been a scholarly focus on power in educational institutions, concepts from the history and sociology of emotions provide fresh insights into how power is constructed and how social order is achieved within these sites. As other scholars have shown, emotions are integral to how authority is constructed and contested, and thus can shed light on how relationships of power played out in the educational setting. Beyond the disciplining of the body, further research that focuses on how particular emotions were deployed to create specific regimes, atmospheres and cultures within these sites would be valuable in highlighting the role that affect has played in reinforcing (or indeed, resisting) authority. The use of specific concepts such as ‘emotionology’ ‘emotional regimes’, and ‘emotional communities’ would further aid scholars in the study and reconstruction of the emotional cultures of distinct educational environments. Greater inquiry might also examine the distinction between individual and collective emotional experiences and expressions in relation to the workings of power and authority within these settings.

Studying the emotions as cultural formations in the educational setting can also allow us greater insight into teacher identity and subjectivity. Little work has, for example, investigated the role of educators as agents of emotional training. By placing the educator at the centre of the work, we may be afforded new insights into how emotional norms were constructed, developed and disseminated to the student body historically. As other scholars have shown, a more detailed study of the shifting role of the educator over time and in different locations has important implications for the study of the emotional culture of the educational setting, including issues relating to the interpersonal dynamics between teacher and learner, as well as among student cohorts. Such analysis would make a critical contribution to the ways in which power within the educational institution manifests and how it shapes the mediation of interpersonal relationships.⁸² Sources that have been well used by scholars in the past could be re-interrogated through a lens that privileges emotional, sensory, and experiential issues. School Board and school council minutes and reports, for example, might offer valuable evidence for questions about how emotional cultures of educational institutions feature in the governance, operation, and administration of these sites.

There is also a need to examine the role of education in the development of emotional ideals in time and space. Greater attention could be paid to charting a longer history of the cultivation and regulation of emotions within the educational setting, for example, to get at some of the emotional standards and norms that were upheld and promoted as ideal, and how they were expressed and articulated. Such work could begin, therefore, to understand more comprehensively the development and transmission of emotional norms across varying boundaries – temporal, geographical, cultural, and political – that defined processes of learning and civilisation. Such work would add to an expanding literature that seeks to examine imperial, transnational and global perspectives and approaches. Scholars have begun to show how understandings about gender profoundly shaped the emotional ideals for girls and boys in the past: advice and parenting manuals and children’s literature have been especially valuable in these investigations. There remains further work to be done on how educational institutions – formal and informal – promoted such gendered ideals, through a range of practices including the emotional culture fostered within these sites, the design of curriculum, and in the relationships that were fostered within these settings.

Another area of fruitful investigation would be in attempts to reconstruct the emotional community and culture of various educational settings. It has been acknowledged by scholars that the educational setting is a social context. Similarly, emotions are social – as Sara Ahmed asserts, they form emotional economies which in turn locate and produce subjects.⁸³ Meanwhile, Barbara Rosenwein has demonstrated that individual actors in the past contributed to and participated in multiple emotional communities, according to time and place.⁸⁴ In addition, newer theoretical concepts, such as ‘emotional formations’ and ‘emotional frontiers’, which are gaining traction in scholarship, allow historians to consider the unique experiences of young people in the process of emotional development and how they might navigate competing or conflicting emotional expectations or norms associated with different locations or communities.⁸⁵ There is scope for greater engagement with these tools in writing the history of education. These concepts have significant implications in thinking about our treatment and examination of the educational setting and experience, and how we might approach both traditional and new sources with questions in mind about how learners and educators constructed and engaged in various emotional communities. One useful method to begin to uncover the emotional atmosphere and community in a given place and time, is the examination of how emotional standards and norms might be promoted, articulated and resisted. Sources, such as teachers’ handbooks, promotional literature relating to educational establishments, and punishment and discipline records, would lend themselves particularly well to investigating the types of emotional expression that were tolerated and encouraged, the emotional cultures that staff were encouraged to develop, and how learners were expected to contribute to such a culture.

Sources relating to alumni associations too have the potential to yield important insight into the peer cultures and emotional communities of educational institutions. While there has been some work on the emotional communities that individuals participated in beyond an institutional setting, these works have not focused specifically on the traditional educational establishments that many young people engaged with: Lucinda Matthews-Jones has looked at the shared emotional community and contact of boys in the Cardiff University Settlement Club, while I have examined the affective engagements between welfare officials and young people leaving social care in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.⁸⁶ Laura Mair has used correspondence between ragged school pupils and teachers to examine the nature of friendships forged in the classroom that extended beyond in time and space.⁸⁷ But there remain many other sources created by alumni networks, as well as distinct educational groups and institutions, that have yet to be comprehensively investigated in relation to the formation of a unique but shared emotional culture and character of such organisations.

Landscapes of learning: affective pedagogic spaces and emotional labour

As this article has shown, there is increasing attention being paid to the relationship between space, place, subjectivity and affect in the history of education. Such work has been possible by paying attention to the material, geographical, and archaeological in the examination of the educational setting. While these works increasingly consider the sensory effects of educational space and place on the body, there is still work to be done to pay equal attention to the affectivity of these settings and their effects on the interior emotions and feelings of individual actors. There is scope for scholars to undertake a more comprehensive and integrated look at the educational setting to understand how these sites were designed, constructed, furnished and decorated in order to produce specific sensory and emotional responses in learners. Much of the existing work has focused on the formal school institution, using architectural and design sources; however, many sources about school architecture and design remain under-utilised. Such sources await interrogation with a specific focus in attending to the emotions, not just the sensory. Beyond the school, similar visual, architectural and design sources exist for the design of other formal and informal sites of education and training, including universities, ragged schools, and state and voluntary welfare institutions. By attending to these sources using approaches from both the material and affective turns, we may be able to reconstruct the affective geographies of engaging and participating in these settings. There is also scope for attention to be paid to the influence of both the learner and the teacher in the material culture of the classroom. In particular, questions might be raised about how creativity and place-making have different impacts on the creation of emotional cultures, and the bodies and subjectivities that experience and engage with these sites. How space and place might be co-opted and utilised to make meaning, produce certain affects, and how these environments might promote learning and engagement all deserve deeper consideration.

Research in other disciplines has focused on the relationship between teaching and emotion. In particular, works have focused on the emotional dimensions of the profession, including the different emotions elicited in and by teaching practices, or how emotions felt by educators about their role and profession helped to shape pedagogic practice and defined their leadership quality and ability.⁸⁸ Scholars have shown that emotions have been given increasingly different roles in schools based on the age of the learner: elementary teaching is characterised by closeness and intimacy that heightens emotional intensity, while secondary teaching is often characterised by greater professionalisation and physical distance, where emotions are often seen as intrusive in the classroom.⁸⁹ The role of teachers has increasingly extended beyond simply disseminating knowledge: teachers have been expected to take on considerable caring and pastoral activities in relation to the student body, and many built emotional bonds with those they teach. This in turn shapes teachers’ perceptions and objectives about their identity, their work on curriculum design and planning, and their teaching style and practices. The role of the teacher and the emotional effects of this work are examined in Megan Watkins’s work, which explores teachers’ tears as an indication of the dynamics and intensity of teacher-student relationships and the ethics of care that teachers embodied.⁹⁰ The intensity or distance of emotions is also taken up in Andy Hargreaves’s work, where concepts of emotional intelligence, emotional labour, emotional understanding, and emotional geographies are used to examine teachers’ perceptions of their interactions and relationships with students.

Despite a growing literature on teachers and emotions in contemporary pedagogic practice, much less research has taken a historical approach. Oral history approaches have successfully demonstrated a variety of emotional responses in relation to teaching in the past.⁹¹ But placing the educator at the centre of work on the history of education can afford us new opportunities to understand emotional practice and expression, as well as educational experience from the viewpoint of both teacher and pupil. Arlie Hochschild’s influential work on emotional labour demonstrated how the performance of particular emotions was an integral part of many jobs, and how this type of emotional regulation and management could profoundly shape the emotional lives of workers.⁹² Meanwhile, Monique Scheer’s practice theory also offers a useful approach for considering both the performance and expression of emotion in teaching practices, as well as subjectivity and experience.⁹³ Autobiographies, diaries, memoirs and oral histories that focus on pedagogic practice can shed light on the more personal, affective, and intimate aspects of curriculum and syllabus design, as well as the emotional responses and effects to the expectations associated with the profession. Other sources too may also be interrogated for what they can tell us about the emotions and experiences of educators. School council minutes and reports, sources pertaining to the government and management of educational institutions, teacher training records, and material of trade unions representing the needs and issues of teachers, can all shed light on the feeling and motivation of educational staff, performativity and expression, and attempts to manipulate and effectively manage staff. These sources, when viewed through an emotional lens, may provide the opportunity to consider more deeply how teachers understood their work, made sense of their own lives in teaching, and their perceptions about professional status and identity.

Experience and meaning

There has been a renewed interest in the history of experience across the disciplines. There has been a focus on the concept of ‘lived experience’ across recent social policy research,⁹⁴ while interpretations of experience have become more central in the work of social historians and those wishing to write history ‘from below’, rather than from the perspective of powerful individuals and institutions. Conceptual thinking about experience during the later decades of the twentieth century has highlighted the complexities and ambiguous nature of what experience encompasses and means: it is intuitive and a term of everyday life, but also obscure and difficult to define. Nevertheless, methodologies such as microhistory, biography, phenomenology and ethnography have all offered fruitful ways of interpreting and understanding experience. But as many scholars have noted, at times these approaches have been limited in some earlier historiography given the unproblematic or essentialist use of experience, the absence of features such as the role of historicism, context and cultural relations in the construction of experience, or the deficiency of bodily and material experiences from the concept.⁹⁵ In addition, there may also be limitations with using approaches such as oral history, autobiographies, and memoirs. Scholars must grapple with how issues such as memory, recollection, nostalgia, experience, and the passage of time may all affect how adults remember, recall, and assign meaning to childhood experience as well as consider how the emotional experience (and the recollection of emotional experience and its meaning) might change over the life course. Frustrated with these limitations, scholars have recently returned to reflect on the concept of experience with the intention to develop and enrich both our understanding of what it could mean and the tools and methods we might use to interrogate experience more fully. A ‘new’ history of experience has been proposed that differs from previous approaches and methodologies by placing context, material, and emotions centrally as core constituent elements in the analysis of experience.⁹⁶

The ‘new’ history of experience has obvious implications for investigating education in the past. To date, however, the history of experiences of education remains patchy. There has been valuable research produced on pupils’ experiences of school, ⁹⁷ but the emotional and sensory aspects of learning remain fruitful areas of study in illuminating the affective landscapes of education. Fabiana Loparco’s work, for example, has interrogated memoirs to better understand the physical and psychological experiences of punishment in Italian rural primary schools during fascism.⁹⁸ Not only does such research highlight the distinct disciplinary practices deployed in these classrooms, but it sheds light on personal experiences of punishing and being punished. Meanwhile, Mervi Kaarninen’s research brings the concept of ‘emotional frontiers’ to an oral history collection to interrogate emotions and experiences in the education of children in Tampere following the civil war in Finland in 1918.⁹⁹ Such consideration brings to the fore greater understandings about the nature of teacher-learner relationships, the expectations of the state in children’s emotional development, and the emotional community within the classroom setting.

How learners and educators experienced and responded to different forms of education has similarly received little attention in scholarship. This is perhaps surprising, given that the school was a site where emotional regimes, standards and norms were constructed, accepted or resisted.¹⁰⁰ One notable exception is Russell Grigg’s research, which interrogates elementary school inspection reports using a history of emotions lens to raise questions about how everyday objects, events, and spaces could affect various actors in school emotionally.¹⁰¹ The playground and the classroom were encountered as ‘emotional frontiers’ by different groups of children who had to navigate competing norms and values.¹⁰² Meanwhile, certain emotions were expected from teachers that reflected broader social values. Teachers were expected to self-regulate their emotions in order to keep up appearances, particularly at the point of inspection. School was also the site where emotional communities were built: the objects of learning – books, slates, pencils and so on – were tools that aided expression, mediated relationships, and facilitated participation in these communities for both teachers and learners.

Accessing the history of emotions and the senses of learners, both individually and collectively, is vital to producing a ‘new’ history of the experiences of education in the past. Moreover, doing so would also provide an effective response to repeated calls by historians working on childhood and youth to place greater value and take seriously young people’s perspectives, voices, and experiences.¹⁰³ There is a need comprehensively to investigate the daily personal experiences of educational practices, and to interrogate the memoirs and accounts of various actors within the educational setting. How various forms of education were experienced, how these experiences were given meaning, and how education affected teachers’ and learners’ daily life are all questions that warrant greater and deeper attention, especially in light of a huge quantity of sources available.

Several scholars have more recently used a wider range of documentary sources, especially oral and visual, in their attempts to recover the historical experiences of learners.¹⁰⁴ Oral histories and other types of memory work, including autobiographies, diaries, and memoirs, have offered valuable insight into how learners embodied memories and felt powerful emotions about their experiences of learning and teaching. There remains still more to be done with such sources, which lend themselves particularly well to the reconstruction of not only the social history of education, but the emotional aspects of the educational past. The history of emotions offers new possibilities to get at the educational lives of learners. Approaching sources such as school logbooks with tools shaped by an emotions framework might indeed help us to uncover the feel and fabric of everyday experiences of schooling. We might also be able to understand learners’ perspectives in other accounts, such as diaries, memoirs, and other personal testimony.

Historians of education and of emotion still tend to draw more readily from traditional textual sources, rather than material evidence. Material artefacts offer new potential for thinking about education and the emotions: they can be objects that represent and embody specific feelings, and very often, their materiality foregrounds questions about feeling in terms of both the sensory and the cognitive.¹⁰⁵ Some research has turned to material objects to produce imaginative and sophisticated interpretations of learning in the past, and the emotions aroused by such work. Johanna Ilmakunnas has explored, for example, the affective meanings inherent in learning handiwork, particularly needlework.¹⁰⁶ Her work demonstrates the possibility of reading material objects, such as samplers, for understanding the emotional expression of the maker in learning these manual skills, the emotions inherent in learning practices, the pedagogical and educational ideals of elite girls’ upbringing, experiences, and emotions. Others have called for closer attention to be paid to visual sources too, in writing the history of education.¹⁰⁷ Such sources have helped to shed light on aspects of education that remain obscured in many traditional textual sources that scholars have used in their work. Photographs that depict learners and educators have largely been concerned with questions relating to the body, such as its depiction and transformation. Meanwhile, photographs of educational settings have also been concerned with the body and space, through examination of these images as sensory scapes and the corporeal responses that might be read from such interpretations. However, such interrogation should also attend to the mind – and particularly the emotions – to examine what these visual sources might tell us about the feelings and states of mind of those depicted, or how the design and material culture of the educational setting might have an impact on the affective experiences of those that engaged with these spaces.

Conclusion

This article has demonstrated that that there is great potential for deeper critical engagement with the emotions, senses, and experience in researching the history of education. With the affective turn at the end of the twentieth century, the history of emotions has intersected with a number of historical fields of study in particularly fruitful ways. The article here has provided a brief survey of how scholarship on the history of education has benefited from the affective turn, and the increasing attention paid by scholars to emotions, feeling, subjectivity, and expression in the study of teaching and learning in the past. Like other recent works, the article has also called for scholars to adopt approaches that mutually privilege emotions and the senses. Too often, the senses have been investigated separately from the emotions in historiography. That the emotions and senses – or the body and mind – are fully integrated in scholarly investigation is also fundamental to the effective analysis of experience. This is a central tenet of the ‘new’ history of experience, which calls for scholars to ensure that ‘seeing, understanding, knowing and writing, but also feeling, hearing, teaching, sensing and other modes of perceiving, including the vicissitudes of historical cognition’ feature in historical analysis.¹⁰⁸ In doing so, new questions about how historical actors experience, engage with, and give meaning to different forms and sites of education in distinct times and places may be brought into the foreground, and provide exciting new ways to approach surviving sources afresh.

Acknowledgements

I am most grateful to the British Academy (grant ref: pf170088) for their support of this work. I am indebted to the valuable feedback, comments, and suggestions received on this work from Stephanie Olsen and from the generous peer reviewers and editors of The History of Education.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the British Academy [pf170088].

Notes on contributors

Claudia Soares

Dr Claudia Soares is a British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow at Queen Mary University of London, where she is researching the social and emotional experiences of children in care institutions in Britain, Australia, and Canada between 1820-1930. From January 2022 she will join Newcastle University as a NUAcT Fellow, where she will research a long history of fostering and adoption between 1800-1930, and children’s social care experiences across the twentieth century. Her first monograph A Home from Home? Children and Social Care in Victorian and Edwardian Britain is under contract with Oxford University Press. She has recent publications in History Workshop Journal and Journal of Victorian Culture.

Notes

¹ Gary McCulloch, The Struggle for the History of Education (London: Routledge, 2011).

² Rob Boddice, The History of Emotions (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2018).

³ Rob Boddice and Mark Smith, Emotion, Sense, Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 12–13.

⁴ See Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns, ‘Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards’, American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (1985): 813–36; William Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Barbara H. Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006); Boddice, The History of Emotions.

⁵ Silvy Chakkalakal, ‘The Child of the Senses. Education and the Concept of Experience in the Eighteenth Century’, The Senses and Society 14, no. 2 (2019): 148–72. See also Danilo R. Streck, ‘Emotions in the History of Latin American Popular Education: Constructions for a Thinking-Feeling Pedagogy’, International Journal of Lifelong Education 34, no. 1 (2015): 32–46.

⁶ Annemarieke Willemsen, ‘“That the Boys Come to School Half an Hour before the Girls”: Order, Gender, and Emotion in School, 1300–1600’, in Gender and Emotions in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Destroying Order, Structuring Disorder, ed. Susan Broomhall (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), 175–95.

⁷ G. H. Bantock, ‘Educating the Emotions: An Historical Perspective’, British Journal of Educational Studies 34, no. 2 (1986): 122–41.

⁸ Jeroen J. H. Dekker and Inge J. M. Wichgers, ‘The Embodiment of Teaching the Regulation of Emotions in Early Modern Europe’, Paedagogica Historica 54, no. 1–2 (2018): 48–65.

⁹ Peter N. Stearns, ‘Girls, Boys, and Emotions: Redefinitions and Historical Change’, Journal of American History 80, no. 1 (1993): 36–74.

¹⁰ Peter N. Stearns and Timothy Haggerty, ‘The Role of Fear: Transitions in American Emotional Standards for Children, 1850–1950’, American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (1991): 63–94.

¹¹ Ute Frevert, Pascal Eitler, Stephanie Olsen, et al., Learning How to Feel: Children’s Literature and Emotional Socialisation, 1870–1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

¹² Dekker and Wichgers, ‘The Embodiment of Teaching’.

¹³ Thomas Dixon, ‘Educating the Emotions from Gradgrind to Goleman’, Research Papers in Education 27, no. 4 (2012): 481–95.

¹⁴ Joakim Landahl, ‘Emotions, Power and the Advent of Mass Schooling’, Paedagogica Historica 51, no. 1–2 (2015): 104–16.

¹⁵ Stephanie Olsen, ‘The Authority of Motherhood in Question: Fatherhood and the Moral Education of Children in England, c. 1870–1900’, Women’s History Review 18, no. 5 (2009): 765–80; Sanne Parlevliet and Jeroen J. H. Dekker, ‘A Poetic Journey: The Transfer and Transformation of German Strategies for Moral Education in Late Eighteenth-Century Dutch Poetry for Children’, Paedagogica Historica 49, no. 6 (2013): 745–68.

¹⁶ Stephanie Olsen, Juvenile Nation: Youth, Emotions and the Making of the Modern British Citizen, 1880–1914 (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2014); Stephanie Olsen, ‘“Happy Home” and “Happy Land”: Informal Emotional Education in British Bands of Hope, 1880–1914’, Historia y Memoria de La Educación 2 (2015): 195–218.

¹⁷ Susannah Wright, ‘Educating the Secular Citizen in English Schools, 1897–1938’, Cultural and Social History 15, no. 2 (2018): 215–32; Susannah Wright, Morality and Citizenship in English Schools: Secular Approaches, 1897–1944 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017); Susannah Wright, ‘Citizenship, Moral Education and the English Elementary School’, in Mass Education and the Limits of State Building, c.1870–1930, ed. Laurence Brockliss and Nicola Sheldon (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 21–45; Susannah Wright, ‘There Is Something Universal in Our Movement Which Appeals Not Only to One Country, but to All: International Communication and Moral Education 1892–1914’, History of Education 37, no. 6 (2008): 807–24; Clarissa Carden, ‘Reading to the Soul: Narrative Imagery and Moral Education in Early to Mid-Twentieth-Century Queensland’, History of Education 47, no. 2 (2018): 269–84; Karen Racine, ‘Monitors and Moralists: The Lancasterian System of Mutual Education and the Vision of a New Moral Order in Spanish America, 1818–1831’, History of Education 49, no. 2 (2020): 143–59; James Arthur, ‘Christianity and the Character Education Movement 1897–1914’, History of Education 48, no. 1 (2019): 60–76; Nathan Roberts, ‘Character in the Mind: Citizenship, Education and Psychology in Britain, 1880–1914’, History of Education 33, no. 2 (2004): 177–97.

¹⁸ Ásgeir Tryggvason, ‘Democratic Education and Agonism: Exploring the Critique from Deliberative Theory’, Democracy and Education 26, no. 1 (2018): 1–9; Claudia W. Ruitenberg, ‘Educating Political Adversaries: Chantal Mouffe and Radical Democratic Citizenship Education’, Studies in Philosophy and Education 28, no. 3 (2009): 269–81; Michalinos Zembylas, ‘Political Emotions in the Classroom: How Affective Citizenship Education Illuminates the Debate Between Agonists and Deliberators’, Democracy and Education 26, no. 1 (2018): 1–5.

¹⁹ Kira Mahamud, ‘Emotional Indoctrination through Sentimental Narrative in Spanish Primary Education Textbooks during the Franco Dictatorship (1939–1959)’, History of Education 45, no. 5 (2016): 653–78.

²⁰ Carlos Zúñiga Nieto, ‘The Concept of Sentimental Boyhood: The Emotional Education of Boys in Mexico during the Early Porfiriato, 1876–1884’, Boyhood Studies 11, no. 1 (2018): 27–46.

²¹ Zeynep Kezer, ‘Moulding the Republican Generation: The Landscapes of Learning in Early Republican Turkey’, in Designing Modern Childhoods: History, Space, and the Material Culture of Children, ed. Marta Gutman and Ning de Coninck-Smith (London: Rutgers University Press, 2008), 128–52.

²² Marcelo Caruso, ‘Emotional Regimes and School Policy in Colombia, 1800–1835’, in Childhood, Youth and Emotions in Modern History: National, Colonial and Global Perspectives, ed. Stephanie Olsen (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 139–58.

²³ Marcus Aurelio Taborda de Oliveira, ‘Education of Senses and Sensibilities: Between the Trend and the Possibility of Research Renovation in History of Education’, História Da Educação 22, no. 55 (2018): 116–33.

²⁴ Heather Ellis, ‘Corporal Punishment in the English Public School in the Nineteenth Century’, in Childhood and Violence in the Western Tradition, ed. Heather Montgomery and Laurence Brockliss, Children in Archaeology, 1 (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010), 141–50; Jane Hamlett, ‘Space and Emotional Experience in Victorian and Edwardian English Public School Dormitories’, in Olsen, Childhood, Youth and Emotions in Modern History, 119–38; Jenny Holt, Public School Literature, Civic Education and the Politics of Male Adolescence (London: Routledge, 2016); J. A. Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School: The Emergence and Consolidation of an Educational Ideology (London: Falmer Press, 1986); Heather Ellis, ‘Elite Education and the Development of Mass Elementary Schooling in England, 1870–1930’, in Mass Education and the Limits of State Building, c.1870–1930, ed. Laurence Brockliss and Nicola Sheldon (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 46–70; Tom Hulme, ‘A Nation Depends on Its Children: School Buildings and Citizenship in England and Wales, 1900–1939’, Journal of British Studies 54, no. 2 (2015): 406–32.

²⁵ Hester Barron, ‘Changing Conceptions of the “Poor Child”: The Children’s Country Holiday Fund, 1918–1939’, Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 9, no. 1 (2016): 29–47; Siân Edwards, Youth Movements, Citizenship and the English Countryside: Creating Good Citizens, 1930–1960 (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018); Ruth Colton, ‘Savage Instincts, Civilising Spaces: The Child, the Empire and the Public Park, c. 1880–1914’, in Children, Childhood and Youth in the British World, ed. Shirleene Robinson and Simon Sleight (London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016), 255–70; Dorothy Blair, ‘The Child in the Garden: An Evaluative Review of the Benefits of School Gardening’, The Journal of Environmental Education 40, no. 2 (2009): 15–38; Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, ‘“A Better Crop of Boys and Girls”: The School Gardening Movement, 1890–1920’, History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 1 (2008): 58–93; Libby Robin, ‘School Gardens and beyond: Progressive Conservation, Moral Imperatives and the Local Landscape’, Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 21, no. 2 (2001): 87–92; Elsie Rockwell, ‘The Multiple Logics of School Gardening: A “Return to Nature” or “Love of Labour”?’, History of Education 49, no. 4 (2020): 536–52; Susan Herrington, ‘The Garden in Fröbel’s Kindergarten: Beyond the Metaphor’, Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 18, no. 4 (1998): 326–38.

²⁶ Stephen J. Ball, Foucault, Power, and Education, 1st ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013).

²⁷ Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977), 173.

²⁸ Kate Rousmaniere, Kari Dehli and Ning de Coninck-Smith, Discipline, Moral Regulation, and Schooling: A Social History (London: Garland Publishing Ltd, 1997); Stephen A Toth, Mettray: A History of France’s Most Venerated Carceral Institution, 2019; Laura M. Mair, Religion and Relationships in Ragged Schools: An Intimate History of Educating the Poor, 1844–1870 (London: Routledge, 2019); Alannah Tomkins, ‘Poor Law Institutions through Working-Class Eyes: Autobiography, Emotion, and Family Context, 1834–1914’, Journal of British Studies 60, no. 2 (2021): 285–309; Jane Humphries, ‘Care and Cruelty in the Workhouse: Children’s Experiences of Residential Poor Relief in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century England’, in Childhood and Child Labour in Industrial England: Diversity and Agency, 1750–1914, ed. Nigel Goose and Katrina Honeyman (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013), 115–34; Claudia Soares, A Home from Home? Children and Social Care in Victorian and Edwardian Britain, 1870–1920 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming); Soni, ‘Learning to Labour: “Native” Orphans in Colonial India, 1840s–1920s’, International Review of Social History 65, no. 1 (2020): 15–42.

²⁹ Megan Boler, Feeling Power: Emotions and Education (London: Routledge, 1999), x–xi.

³⁰ For ‘emotional formations’ and ‘emotional frontiers’, see Karen Vallgårda, Kristine Alexander, and Stephanie Olsen, ‘Emotions and the Global Politics of Childhood’, in Olsen, Childhood, Youth and Emotions in Modern History, 12-34. See also Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘Learning to Love: Embodied Practices of Patriotism in the Belgian Nineteenth-Century Classroom (and Beyond)’, in Emotions and Everyday Nationalism in Modern European History, ed. Andreas Stynen, Maarten Van Ginderachter, and Xosé M. Núñez Seixas (London: Routledge, 2020), 66-83; Stephanie Olsen, ‘Learning How to Feel through Play: At the Intersection of the Histories of Play, Childhood and the Emotions’, International Journal of Play 5, no. 3 (2016): 323–8; Zsuzsa Millei, ‘Affective Practices of Everyday Nationalism in an Australian Preschool’, Children’s Geographies 19, no. 5 (2021): 526–38; Rebecca Swartz, ‘Educating Emotions in Natal and Western Australia, 1854–65’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 18, no. 2 (2017), doi:10.1353/cch.2017.0022; Hester Barron and Claire Langhamer, ‘Feeling through Practice: Subjectivity and Emotion in Children’s Writing’, Journal of Social History 51, no. 1 (2017): 101–23.

³¹ Landahl, ‘Emotions, Power and the Advent of Mass Schooling’, 104–5.

³² Kate Rousmaniere and Noah W. Sobe, ‘Education and the Body: Introduction’, Paedagogica Historica 54, no. 1–2 (2018): 1–3.

³³ Ellis, ‘Corporal Punishment in the English Public School’.

³⁴ Björn Norlin, ‘School Jailhouse: Discipline, Space and the Materiality of School Morale in Early-Modern Sweden’, History of Education 45, no. 3 (2016): 263–84.

³⁵ Jacob Middleton, ‘The Experience of Corporal Punishment in Schools, 1890–1940’, History of Education 37, no. 2 (2008): 253–75.

³⁶ Inés Dussel, ‘When Appearances Are Not Deceptive: A Comparative History of School Uniforms in Argentina and the United States (Nineteenth – Twentieth Centuries)’, Paedagogica Historica 41, no. 1–2 (2005): 179–95; Inés Dussel, ‘Historicising Girls’ Material Cultures in Schools: Revisiting Photographs of Girls in Uniforms’, Women’s History Review 29, no. 3 (2020): 429–43; Stephanie Spencer, ‘A Uniform Identity: Schoolgirl Snapshots and the Spoken Visual’, History of Education 36, no. 2 (2007): 227–46.

³⁷ Mark Freeman, ed., Sport, Health and the Body in the History of Education (London: Routledge, 2016); Eilidh H.R. Macrae, ‘Exercise and Education: Facilities for the Young Female Body in Scotland, 1930–1960’, History of Education 41, no. 6 (2012): 749–69; Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School.

³⁸ John Tagg, The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographies and Histories (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), 83–4.

³⁹ Seth Koven, ‘Dr. Barnardo’s ‘Artistic Fictions’: Photography, Sexuality, and the Ragged Child in Victorian London’, Radical History Review 1997, no. 69 (1997): 6–45; Clare Rose, ‘Raggedness and Respectability in Barnardo’s Archive’, Childhood in the Past: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (2009): 136–50; Deborah Wynne, ‘Reading Victorian Rags: Recycling, Redemption, and Dickens’s Ragged Children’, Journal of Victorian Culture 20, no. 1 (2015): 34–49.

⁴⁰ Catherine Burke and Helena Ribeiro de Castro, ‘The School Photograph: Portraiture and the Art of Assembling the Body of the Schoolchild’, History of Education 36, no. 2 (2007): 213–26.

⁴¹ Christina Firpo and Margaret D. Jacobs, ‘Taking Children, Ruling Colonies: Child Removal and Colonial Subjugation in Australia, Canada, French Indochina, and the United States, 1870–1950s’, Journal of World History 29, no. 4 (2018): 529–62; Andrew Woolford, This Benevolent Experiment: Indigenous Boarding Schools, Genocide, and Redress in Canada and the United States, illustrated edition (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2015).

⁴² See for example Patrick Wolfe, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’, Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387–409; Andrew Woolford and Jeff Benvenuto, ‘Canada and Colonial Genocide’, Journal of Genocide Research 17, no. 4 (2015): 373–90; Andrew Woolford and Jeff Benvenuto, Canada and Colonial Genocide (Oxford: Routledge, 2018); Karen Stote, An Act of Genocide: Colonialism and the Sterilisation of Aboriginal Women (Winnipeg, Manitoba: Fernwood Publishing, 2015); A. Dirk Moses, ed., Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History, Studies in War and Genocide, v. 6 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2004); Philip Dwyer and Lyndall Ryan, ‘Reflections on Genocide and Settler-Colonial Violence’, History Australia 13, no. 3 (2016): 335–50; Shirleene Robinson and Jessica Paten, ‘The Question of Genocide and Indigenous Child Removal: The Colonial Australian Context’, Journal of Genocide Research 10, no. 4 (2008): 501–18; Asafa Jalata, ‘The Impacts of English Colonial Terrorism and Genocide on Indigenous/Black Australians’, SAGE Open 3, no. 3 (2013): 1–12; Larissa Behrendt, ‘Genocide: The Distance between Law and Life’, Aboriginal History Journal 25 (2001): 132–47.

⁴³ See for example David Wallace Adams, Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience, 1875–1928 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997); Jon Reyhner and Jeanne Eder, American Indian Education: A History (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017); Margaret D. Jacobs, White Mother to a Dark Race: Settler Colonialism, Maternalism, and the Removal of Indigenous Children in the American West and Australia, 1880–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2009).

⁴⁴ See for example Margaret Archuleta, Brenda J Child, and K. Tsianina Lomawaima, Away from Home: American Indian Boarding School Experiences, 1879–2000 (Phoenix, AZ: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2009); Adrea Lawrence, Lessons from an Indian Day School: Negotiating Colonisation in Northern New Mexico, 1902–1907 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2011); J. R. Miller, Shingwauk’s Vision: A History of Native Residential Schools (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996); Anna Haebich and Doreen Mellor, Many Voices: Reflections on Experiences of Indigenous Child Separation (Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2002); Michael C. Coleman, American Indian Children at School, 1850–1930 (Jackson: Lean Marketing Press, 2007); Margaret D. Jacobs, A Generation Removed: The Fostering and Adoption of Indigenous Children in the Post-war World (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2014); Anna Haebich, Broken Circles: Fragmenting Indigenous Families 1800–2000 (Fremantle, W.A: Fremantle Press, 2000); Paulette Regan, Unsettling the Settler Within: Indian Residential Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconciliation in Canada (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010); Elizabeth Furniss, Victims of Benevolence: The Dark Legacy of the Williams Lake Residential School (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1995); Celia Haig-Brown, Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School (Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1988); John S. Milloy, A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986 (Winnipeg, Manitoba: University of Manitoba Press, 1999).

⁴⁵ See also Jeffrey Montez de Oca and José Prado, ‘Visualising Humanitarian Colonialism: Photographs From the Thomas Indian School’, American Behavioural Scientist 58, no. 1 (2014): 145–70; Allyson Stevenson, ‘Karen B., and Indigenous Girlhood on the Prairies: Disrupting Images of Indigenous Children in Adoption Advertising in North America’, in Children’s Voices from the Past: New Historical and Interdisciplinary Perspectives, ed. Kristine Moruzi, Nell Musgrove and Carla Pascoe Leahy (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), 159–91; Carol Williams, ‘Residential School Photographs: The Visual Rhetoric of Indigenous Removal and Containment’, in Photography and Migration (London: Routledge, 2018), 45-62; Alexandra Giancarlo et al., ‘Methodology and Indigenous Memory: Using Photographs to Anchor Critical Reflections on Indian Residential School Experiences’, Visual Studies, advance online publication (2021): 1–15.

⁴⁶ Lonna Malmsheimer, ‘“Imitation White Man”: Images of Transformation at the Carlisle Indian School’, Studies in Visual Communication 11, no. 4 (2017): 54–75.

⁴⁷ Eric Margolis and Jeremy Rowe, ‘Images of Assimilation: Photographs of Indian Schools in Arizona’, History of Education 33, no. 2 (2004): 199–230; Eric Margolis, ‘Looking at Discipline, Looking at Labour: Photographic Representations of Indian Boarding Schools’, Visual Studies 19, no. 1 (2004): 72–96; Eric Margolis and Sheila Fram, ‘Caught Napping: Images of Surveillance, Discipline and Punishment on the Body of the Schoolchild’, History of Education 36, no. 2 (2007): 191–211.

⁴⁸ Sherry Farrell Racette, ‘Haunted: First Nations Children in Residential School Photography’, in Depicting Canada’s Children, ed. Loren Lerner (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2009), 49–85.

⁴⁹ Vallgårda, Alexander, and Olsen, ‘Emotions and the Global Politics of Childhood’; Stephanie Olsen, ‘The History of Childhood and the Emotional Turn’, History Compass 15, no. 11 (2017): e12410.

⁵⁰ Stephanie Olsen, ‘Children and Childhood’, in A Cultural History of Education in the Age of Empire, ed. Heather Ellis (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020), 59–75.

⁵¹ See for example, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples (London: Zed Books Ltd, 2012); Kathy Absolon and Cam Willett, ‘Putting Ourselves Forward: Location in Aboriginal Research’, in Research as Resistance: Critical, Indigenous and Anti-Oppressive Approaches (Toronto: Canadian Scholars’ Press, 2005), 97–126; Margaret Elizabeth Kovach, Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and Contexts (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010).

⁵² See for example, Terri-Lynn Fox, ‘Indian Residential Schools: Perspectives of Blackfoot Confederacy People’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Calgary, University of Calgary, 2021); Tricia Logan, ‘Indian Residential Schools, Settler Colonialism and Their Narratives in Canadian History’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Royal Holloway University of London, 2017).

⁵³ Margolis and Fram, ‘Caught Napping’.

⁵⁴ Peter N. Stearns and Clio Stearns, ‘American Schools and the Uses of Shame: An Ambiguous History’, History of Education 46, no. 1 (2017): 58–75.

⁵⁵ Joakim Landahl, ‘The Eye of Power(−Lessness): On the Emergence of the Panoptical and Synoptical Classroom’, History of Education 42, no. 6 (2013): 803–21.

⁵⁶ Catherine Burke, ‘Designing for “Touch”, “Reach” and “Movement” in Post-War (1946–1972) English Primary and Infant School Environments’, The Senses and Society 14, no. 2 (2019): 207–20.

⁵⁷ Joakim Landahl, ‘Learning to Listen and Look: The Shift from the Monitorial System of Education to Teacher-Led Lessons’, The Senses and Society 14, no. 2 (2019): 194–206.

⁵⁸ Pieter Verstraete, ‘Silence or the Sound of Limpid Water: Disability, Power, and the Educationalisation of Silence’, Paedagogica Historica 53, no. 5 (2017): 498–513; Pieter Verstraete and Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘Educational Soundscapes: Tuning in to Sounds and Silences in the History of Education’, Paedagogica Historica 53, no. 5 (2017): 491–97.

⁵⁹ Josephine Hoegaerts, ‘Silence as Borderland: A Semiotic Approach to the ‘Silent’ Pupil in Nineteenth-Century Vocal Education’, Paedagogica Historica 53, no. 5 (2017): 514–27.

⁶⁰ Pablo Toro-Blanco, ‘History of Education and Emotions’, in Oxford Research Encyclopaedia of Education (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020).

⁶¹ Kate Darian-Smith and Julie Willis, Designing Schools: Space, Place and Pedagogy (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016).

⁶² Thomas A Markus, Buildings & Power: Freedom and Control in the Origin of Modern Building Types (London: Routledge, 1993).

⁶³ Carolyn Steedman, Childhood, Culture and Class in Britain: Margaret McMillan, 1860–1931 (London: Virago, 1990).

⁶⁴ Lydia Murdoch, Imagined Orphans: Poor Families, Child Welfare, and Contested Citizenship in London (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006).

⁶⁵ Claudia Soares, ‘A Permanent Environment of Brightness, Warmth, and ‘Homeliness’: Domesticity and Authority in a Victorian Children’s Institution’, Journal of Victorian Culture 23, no. 1 (2018): 1–24.

⁶⁶ Claudia Soares, ‘“The Many Lessons Which the Care of Some Gentle, Loveable Animal Would Give”: Animals, Pets, and Emotions in Children’s Welfare Institutions, 1870–1920’, History of the Family 26, no. 2 (2021): 236–65. See also Katherine C. Grier, ‘Childhood Socialisation and Companion Animals: United States, 1820–1870’, Society & Animals 7, no. 2 (1999): 95–120.

⁶⁷ Mark Dudek, Architecture of Schools: The New Learning Environments (Abingdon: Routledge, 2000); Andrew Saint, Towards a Social Architecture: The Role of School-Building in Post-War England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987).

⁶⁸ Catherine Burke and Ian Grosvenor, School (London: Reaktion Books, 2008), 23–24.

⁶⁹ Hamlett, ‘Space and Emotional’.

⁷⁰ Burke and Grosvenor, School, 12.

⁷¹ Roy Kozlovsky, ‘Architecture, Emotions and the History of Childhood’, in Olsen, Childhood, Youth and Emotions in Modern History, 95–119; Roy Kozlovsky, The Architectures of Childhood (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013).

⁷² Roy Kozlovsky, ‘The Architecture of Educare: Motion and Emotion in Post-war Educational Spaces’, History of Education 39, no. 6 (2010): 702.

⁷³ Daniel Miller, The Comfort of Things (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008); Stephanie Downes, Sally Holloway and Sarah Randles, eds., Feeling Things: Objects and Emotions through History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018); Serena Dyer, ‘State of the Field: Material Culture’, History 106, no. 370 (2021): 282–92.

⁷⁴ Martin Lawn and Ian Grosvenor, Materialities of Schooling: Design, Technology, Objects, Routines (Oxford: Symposium Books Ltd, 2005); Saint, Towards a Social Architecture.

⁷⁵ Catherine Burke, ‘The Decorated School: Cross-Disciplinary Research in the History of Art as Integral to the Design of Educational Environments’, Paedagogica Historica 49, no. 6 (2013): 813–27.

⁷⁶ Burke, ‘Designing for “Touch”, “Reach” and “Movement” in Post-War (1946–1972) English Primary and Infant School Environments’.

⁷⁷ Hamlett, ‘Space and Emotional’.

⁷⁸ Alex Dowdall, ‘War in the Classroom: The Materiality of Educational Spaces in the French Front-Line Towns, 1914–1920’, Cultural and Social History 17, no. 5 (2020): 659–75.

⁷⁹ Rosalie Triolo, ‘Our Schools and the War’ (North Melbourne, Victoria: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2012); Ana Carden-Coyne and Kate Darian-Smith, ‘Young People and the World Wars: Visuality, Materiality and Cultural Heritage’, Cultural and Social History 17, no. 5 (2020): 589–95; Stephanie Olsen, ‘Children’s Emotional Formations in Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, around the First World War’, Cultural and Social History 17, no. 5 (2020): 643–57.

⁸⁰ Mark A. Jones, ‘The Hidden Heritage of Mothers and Teachers in the Making of Japan’s Superior Students’, in Children, Childhood and Cultural Heritage, ed. Kate Darian-Smith and Carla Pascoe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 74–85; Gwenda Beed Davey, Kate Darian-Smith and Carla Pascoe, ‘Playlore as Cultural Heritage: Traditions and Change in Australian Children’s Play’, in Children, Childhood and Cultural Heritage, ed. Kate Darian‐Smith and Carla Pascoe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 40–55; Andrew Burn, ‘The Case of the Wildcat Sailors: The Hybrid Lore and Multimodal Languages of the Playground’, in Children, Childhood and Cultural Heritage, ed. Kate Darian-Smith and Carla Pascoe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 55–74; Roy Kozlovsky, ‘Adventure Playgrounds and Post-War Reconstruction’, in Gutman and Coninck-Smith, Designing Modern Childhoods, 171-190.

⁸¹ Anene Cusins-Lewer and Julia Gatley, ‘The ‘Myers Park Experiment’ in Auckland, New Zealand, 1913–1916’, in Gutman and Coninck-Smith, Designing Modern Childhoods: History Space, and the Material Culture of Children, 82–107.

⁸² Toro-Blanco, ‘History of Education and Emotions’.

⁸³ Ahmed, Sara, The Cultural Politics of Emotion (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004).

⁸⁴ Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages.

⁸⁵ Vallgårda, Alexander and Olsen, ‘Emotions and the Global Politics of Childhood’.

⁸⁶ Lucinda Matthews-Jones, ‘“I Still Remain One of the Old Settlement Boys”: Cross-Class Friendship in the First World War Letters of Cardiff University Settlement Lads’ Club’, Cultural and Social History 13, no. 2 (2016): 195–211; Claudia Soares, ‘Leaving the Victorian Children’s Institution: Aftercare, Friendship and Support’, History Workshop Journal 87 (2019): 94–117.

⁸⁷ Mair, Religion and Relationships.

⁸⁸ See for example Boler, Feeling Power; Andy Hargreaves, ‘The Emotional Practice of Teaching’, Teaching and Teacher Education 14, no. 8 (1998): 835–54; Rosemary E. Sutton and Karl F. Wheatley, ‘Teachers’ Emotions and Teaching: A Review of the Literature and Directions for Future Research’, Educational Psychology Review 15, no. 4 (2003): 327–58; Michalinos Zembylas, Teaching with Emotion: A Postmodern Enactment (Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing, 2006); Hargreaves, ‘The Emotional Practice of Teaching’.

⁸⁹ Andy Hargreaves, ‘Mixed Emotions: Teachers’ Perceptions of Their Interactions with Students’, Teaching and Teacher Education 16, no. 8 (2000): 811–26.

⁹⁰ Megan Watkins, ‘Teachers’ Tears and the Affective Geography of the Classroom’, Emotion, Space and Society, Emotional Geographies of Education, 4, no. 3 (2011): 137–43.

⁹¹ Philip Gardner, ‘Oral History in Education: Teacher’s Memory and Teachers’ History’, History of Education 32, no. 2 (2003): 175–88; Julie McLeod, ‘Memory, Affective Practice and Teacher Narratives: Researching Emotion in Oral Histories of Educational and Personal Change’, Methodological Advances in Research on Emotion and Education (2016): 273; Peter Cunningham and Philip Gardner, Becoming Teachers: Texts and Testimonies, 1907–1950 (London: Woburn Press, 2004).

⁹² Arlie Russell Hochschild, ‘Emotion Work, Feeling Rules, and Social Structure’, American Journal of Sociology 85, no. 3 (1979): 551–75.

⁹³ Monique Scheer, ‘Are Emotions a Kind of Practice (and Is That What Makes Them Have a History)? A Bourdieuian Approach to Understanding Emotion’, History and Theory, 51 (2012): 193–220.

⁹⁴ Ian Mcintosh and Sharon Wright, ‘Exploring What the Notion of “Lived Experience” Offers for Social Policy Analysis’, Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 3 (2019): 449–67.

⁹⁵ See for example, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, trans. Donald A. Landes (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013); John Brewer, ‘Microhistory and the Histories of Everyday Life’, Cultural and Social History 7, no. 1 (2010): 87–109; Jill Lepore, ‘Historians Who Love Too Much: Reflections on Microhistory and Biography’, Journal of American History 88, no. 1 (2001): 129–44; Alain Corbin, Time, Desire, and Horror: Towards a History of the Senses (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2007); Joan W. Scott, ‘The Evidence of Experience’, Critical Inquiry 17, no. 4 (1991): 773–97; Anna Wierzbicka, Experience, Evidence, and Sense: The Hidden Cultural Legacy of English (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010); Ville Kivimäki, Sami Suodenjoki and Tanja Vahtikari, ‘Lived Nation: Histories of Experience and Emotion in Understanding Nationalism’, in Lived Nation as the History of Experiences and Emotions in Finland, 1800–2000, ed. Ville Kivimäki, Sami Suodenjoki and Tanja Vahtikari, Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021), 1–28; Olsen, ‘Children and Childhood’; Martin Jay, Songs of Experience: Modern American and European Variations on a Universal Theme (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005); Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976); Diana Mulinari and Kerstin Sandell, ‘Exploring the Notion of Experience in Feminist Thought’, Acta Sociologica 42, no. 4 (1999): 287–97; Michael Pickering, History, Experience and Cultural Studies (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1997); David Carr, Experience and History: Phenomenological Perspectives on the Historical World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

⁹⁶ Boddice and Smith, Emotion, Sense, Experience.

⁹⁷ June Purvis, Hard Lessons: The Lives and Education of Working-Class Women in Nineteenth-Century England (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989); Gary McCulloch and Tom Woodin, ‘Towards a Social History of Learners and Learning’, Oxford Review of Education 36, no. 2 (2010): 133–40; Tom Woodin, ‘Working‐class Education and Social Change in Nineteenth‐ and Twentieth‐century Britain’, History of Education 36, no. 4–5 (2007): 483–96.

⁹⁸ Fabiana Loparco, ‘Former Teachers’ and Pupils’ Autobiographical Accounts of Punishment in Italian Rural Primary Schools during Fascism’, History of Education 46, no. 5 (2017): 618–30.

⁹⁹ Mervi Kaarninen, ‘Red Orphans’ Fatherland: Children in the Civil War of 1918 and Its Aftermath’, in Kivimäki et al., Lived Nation as the History of Experiences and Emotions in Finland, 163–87; Vallgårda, Alexander and Olsen, ‘Emotions and the Global Politics of Childhood’.

¹⁰⁰ For emotional regimes, see Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling.

¹⁰¹ Russell Grigg, ‘“Wading through Children’s Tears”: The Emotional Experiences of Elementary School Inspections, 1839–1911’, History of Education 49, no. 5 (2020): 597–616.

¹⁰² Vallgårda, Alexander and Olsen, ‘Emotions and the Global Politics of Childhood’.

¹⁰³ See for example Steven Mintz, ‘Children’s History Matters’, American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (2020): 1286–92; Robin P. Chapdelaine, ‘Little Voices: The Importance and Limitations of Children’s Histories’, The American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (2020): 1296–99; Ishita Pande, ‘Is the History of Childhood Ready for the World? A Response to “The Kids Aren’t All Right”’, The American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (2020): 1300–1305.

¹⁰⁴ McCulloch and Woodin, ‘Towards a Social History of Learners and Learning’; Burke and Castro, ‘The School Photograph’; Ian Grosvenor, Martin Lawn, and Kate Rousmaniere, Silences & Images: the Social History of the Classroom (Canterbury: Peter Lang, 1999); Rousmaniere, Dehli and Coninck-Smith, Discipline, Moral Regulation, and Schooling; Lawn and Grosvenor, Materialities of Schooling; Ian Grosvenor and Martin Lawn, ‘Ways of Seeing in Education and Schooling: Emerging Historiographies’, History of Education 30, no. 2 (2001): 105–8; Gardner, ‘Oral History in Education’; Cunningham and Gardner, Becoming Teachers.

¹⁰⁵ Downes, Holloway, and Randles, Feeling Things.

¹⁰⁶ Johanna Ilmakunnas, ‘Embroidering Women and Turning Men’, Scandinavian Journal of History 41, no. 3 (2016): 306–31.

¹⁰⁷ Burke and Castro, ‘The School Photograph’.

¹⁰⁸ Josephine Hoegaerts and Stephanie Olsen, ‘The History of Experience: Afterword’, in Kivimäki et al., Lived Nation as the History of Experiences and Emotions in Finland’ 377.