Abstract
China's initiative in establishing and promoting the development of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) is an interesting case study of China's attempt at regional institution building. China's increasing interest in Central Asia coincided with its gradual acceptance and rising enthusiasm regarding participation in regional organisations. The “Shanghai Five” mechanism and the SCO were seen as appropriate mechanisms for pursuing China's multiple interests in the region; their development was also in line with the improvement in Sino-Russian relations. Chinese leaders have skilfully developed the SCO's institutional framework, and they seem intent on getting good value for the resources spent. The leaders have also demonstrated considerable patience when the SCO's development encountered setbacks.
Notes
In January-February 2009, the author visited the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing University, the Central Party School, the China Institute for International Strategic Studies, and the Shanghai Institute of International Studies. There were extensive discussions with over 50 academics and research workers on Chinese foreign policy, with a special focus on China's approach to SCO. To facilitate exchange of ideas, they will not be quoted directly. Instead, their views will be summarised and presented as those of the Chinese research community on China's foreign policy and its SCO policy.
The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence were jointly initiated by China, India and Burma in 1953-54; initially they were to apply to relations among countries with different social systems. They are: respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty, non-interference in domestic affairs, equality and mutual benefit, non-aggression and peaceful co-existence.
The Policy Research Office of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs publishes an annual report in Chinese, Zhongguo Waijiao [China's Diplomacy], through the Shijie Zhishi Chubanshe in Beijing. In every report, there is a chapter on China's relations with the Eastern European and Central Asian countries. This series of publications offers a good starting point for an analysis of SCO policy.
After the break-up of the Soviet Union, the 3300 km western section of the Sino-Soviet border became the boundary between China and four countries: China and Kazakhstan share a boundary of 1770 km, China and Kyrgyzstan have a 1096 km boundary, and China and Tajikistan share a 430 km border. The fourth border is between China and Russia.
In 1996, seventeen states participated in the conference and drafted the basic document. The first CICA summit was held in 2002.
See the respective chapters on China's relations with the Eastern European and Central Asian countries in the recent issues of Zhongguo Waijiao (China's Diplomacy).
The Obama administration continues this policy and its official position is as follows: first, to expand co-operation with Central Asian states to assist coalition efforts in Afghanistan; second, to increase development and diversification of the region's energy resources and supply routes; third, to encourage political liberalisation and respect for human rights; fourth, to foster competitive market economies and economic reform; and, lastly, to prevent the emergence of failed states, or in more positive terms, to increase the capacity of states to govern themselves effectively (see http://www.state.gov/p/sca/rls/rmks/2010/145463.htm, downloaded 21 July 2011).
The EEC has six members. The other member is Belarus.