Performing Gender and Religion: The Veil's Impact on Boundary-Making Processes in France

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Notes

¹The author would like to thank Raphaela von Weichs for stimulating discussions about and rich feedback on the present article, as well as Janine Dahinden, Anna Hoepflinger and Anne Lavanchy for their important comments on this work. Eva Marzi has contributed to the present version by preparing the documentation of relevant sources and by giving helpful feedback. Serjara Aleman and Sibylle Rouiller have also contributed valuable research on literature and sources.

²For an extensive critique on French migration studies, see Salzbrunn 2008.

³See Salzbrunn 2010: 5.

⁴Emberling (1997: 310), referring to Barth, includes religion in the “cultural features” that are part of the identification processes of ethnic groups; Elwert (1995:5) also does so in his work on “we-groups.” I follow this point of view.

⁵See Salzbrunn 2009; 2010.

⁶ Morokvasic-Müller et al. 2008.

⁷See Rogers/Vertovec 1995; Clarke 2005.

⁸See Salzbrunn 1999; 2002.

⁹The word “laicist,” stemming from the Greek word for “layman” is used in Roman languages as well as in Turkish in order to define a secular state in which religious and governmental affairs do not interfere. However, this strict separation between religion and politics is more an ideal type in the Weberian sense than political reality. I have shown the ambiguity of this concept in the case of Senegal (Salzbrunn 2005).

¹⁰See Salzbrunn 2002.

¹¹I refer here to one of the chapters that I wrote for the final report of the IDEA project (Morokvasic-Muller et al. 2008: 5–12).

¹²One can be citizen without being a national, e.g., after having served the Republic (and its ideas), notably during the Commune 1871, where a number of foreigners were granted citizenship. On the other hand, there were nationals who had no citizenship rights (namely no voting rights): women, children, and a large part of the population of the colonies. Cf. Wihtol de Wenden 2010: 130.

¹³Loi relative à la maîtrise de l'immigration, à l'intégration et à l'asile, Assemblée Nationale, No. 57, Ch. 1, Art. L.411-8.

¹⁴See Saada 2007.

¹⁵Thiesse 2010: 139–151.

¹⁶Quoted in: Peyrefitte, Alain. C'était de Gaulle. Paris: Gallimard, 2000. Translated by the author. If not mentioned otherwise, all translations are by the author.

¹⁷See Daum 1998; Timera 1996.

¹⁸Salzbrunn 2002.

¹⁹Delcroix et al. 1996.

²⁰Salzbrunn 2008: 78.

²¹Speech by Clermont Tonnerre, inspired by Abbé Grégoire, Mirabeau, Robespierre and other politicians during the parliamentary session from December 21–24, 1789.

²²Cf. Christine Delphy, 4 July 2011: Que veulent vraiment les blancs? Caste et classe en France, http://blogs.mediapart.fr/blog/ben-boukhtache/070411/que-veulent-vraiment-les-blancs-caste-et-classe-en-france (3.6.2011).

²³Commission de réflexion sur l'application du principe de la laïcité dans la République: Rapport au Président de la République, 11 December 2003, 68.

²⁴Ibid., 66.

²⁵Article L141-5-1, Law n° 2004-228 of 15 March 2004 - art. 1 JORF 17 March 2004, in force 1 September 2004.

²⁶Commission de réflexion sur l'application du principe de la laïcité dans la République: Rapport au Président de la République, 11 December 2003, 69.

²⁷Live broadcast debate in Arabic on 18 June 2009 on France24, and quoted the same day by the newspaper Libération: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=MTDP9sZrioc&feature=related (6 March 2011).

²⁸This promotion, which included the creation of a new position within the local police department, had not been planned before the incident.

²⁹RAPPORT D'INFORMATION No. 2262 FAIT en application de l'article 145 du Règlement, AU NOM DE LA MISSION D'INFORMATION SUR LA PRATIQUE DU PORT DU VOILE INTÉGRAL SUR LE TERRITOIRE NATIONAL.

³⁰See http://www.visage-decouvert.gouv.fr/ (6 March 2011).

³¹Ibid.

³²See Gaspard and Khosrokhavar 1995 for an analysis of the historical background of the Ferry law and Salzbrunn 2002 for a comparison of North African and West African women's reactions to the anti-headscarf debate. In the latter, I have shown that Senegalese Muslims are not perceived as Muslims, but as migrants by politicians and the media, so that, on the one hand, they do not suffer from religion-based discrimination. On the other hand, their places of worship are marginal and inconvenient, and they are barely represented within Muslim institutions like the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman.

³³See Sainsaulieu et al. 2010 for an analysis of the French fear of communitarianism.

³⁴See http://www.buzzmoica.fr/video/niquabitch-mi-pute-mi-soumise-12852.

³⁵She published a journal about her experiences: Bérengère, Lefranc. Un voile. Un certain moi de juin. Paris: Michalon, 2010.

³⁶See Salzbrunn 2011.

³⁷Kimberlé W. Crenshaw, “Paradoxes of Post-Racialism.” Abstract of a conference given 30 May 2011, CNRS, Paris, France.