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Articles

Mass Production and Mountain Marketplaces in Norway in the Viking and Middle Ages

Pages 94-115 | Published online: 02 Jul 2020
 

Abstract

AS HUBS IN STABLE ECONOMIC NETWORKS, mountainFootnote1 marketplaces are seen as integral to the increase and eventual mass production of iron in the Viking period and Middle Ages. The amount of iron produced exceeded local and regional demands, and constituted a valuable commodity from the inland areas of Norway and Sweden. This paper shows a dynamic trade network — one that was adaptable to trade patterns and surplus production. The marketplaces enabled an inland population to obtain both the products they needed and those they wanted, and gave the populous communities along the coast — the medieval towns, the royal and ecclesiastical elites — access to the resources and commodities from the hinterland via trade networks flowing through these marketplaces. This integration of inland resources into domestic and international trade can be considered to be part of a functioning market economy in the western Scandinavian inland from the late Viking period.

Résumé

Production en masse et marchès de montagne en Norvège à l'ère viking et au Moyen-Âge par Kjetil Loftsgarden

En leur qualité de plateformes existant au sein de réseaux économiques stables, les marchés de montagne sont considérés comme faisant partie intégrante de la hausse et, finalement, de la production en masse de fer à l'ère viking et au Moyen-Âge. Les volumes de production de fer dépassaient la demande aux niveaux local, régional et national, et le fer était une précieuse denrée provenant des territoires intérieurs de Norvège et de Suède. Ce papier met en évidence un réseau dynamique de négoce— qui s'adaptait aux modes de négoce et à la production en surplus. Les marchés permettaient à une population intérieure de se procurer les produits dont elle avait besoin et donnaient aux communautés très peuplées du littoral—villes médiévales, élites royales et ecclésiastiques — l'accès aux ressources et denrées provenant de l'intérieur, par le biais des réseaux de négoce passant par ces marchés. On peut considérer cette intégration des ressources intérieures dans l'économie domestique et internationale comme faisant partie d'une économie de marché fonctionnant dans les territoires intérieurs de l'ouest scandinave, à partir de la fin de la période viking.

Zusammenfassung

Massenproduktion und Marktorte in Bergregionen im Norwegen der Wikingerzeit und des Mittelalters von Kjetil Loftsgarden

Als umschlagpunkte in stabilen wirtschaftlichen netzwerken gelten Marktorte in Bergregionen als integraler Faktor für die Zunahme der Eisenproduktion und letztendliche Massenproduktion von Eisen in der Wikingerzeit und im Mittelalter. Die Menge des produzierten Eisens ging über den lokalen, regionalen und überregionalen Bedarf hinaus, und Eisen war im Inland von Norwegen und Schweden ein wertvolles Gut. Dieser Artikel zeigt ein dynamisches Handelsnetzwerk – das sich an wechselnde Handelsmuster und Produktionsüberschüsse anpassen konnte. Die Marktorte ermöglichten es der Inlandsbevölkerung, die Produkte zu erhalten, die sie benötigte, und über Handelsnetzwerke, die durch diese Marktorte verliefen, gaben sie den bevölkerungsreichen Gemeinden entlang der Küste – den mittelalterlichen Städten, den königlichen und kirchlichen Eliten — Zugang zu den Ressourcen und Gütern aus dem Hinterland. Diese Integration der Inlands-Ressourcen in die heimische und internationale Wirtschaft kann man als Teil einer funktionierenden Marktwirtschaft im westskandinavischen Inland ab der späten Wikingerzeit verstehen.

Riassunto

Riassunto Produzione di massa e mercati di montagna in Norvegia in epoca vichinga e nel Medioevo di Kjetil Loftsgarden

In quanto centri di reti economiche stabili, i mercati di montagna vengono ritenuti parte integrante dell'aumento e conseguente produzione di massa del ferro in epoca vichinga e nel Medioevo. La quantità di ferro prodotto era superiore alla domanda locale, regionale e nazionale, e il ferro rappresentava un bene prezioso proveniente dagli entroterra della Norvegia e della Svezia. Questo studio mostra una dinamica rete commerciale — una rete in grado di adattarsi agli andamenti di mercato e alle eccedenze di produzione. I mercati consentirono alla popolazione dell'entroterra di ottenere i prodotti di cui aveva necessità e permisero alle popolose comunità lungo la costa — le città medievali, le élite reali ed ecclesiastiche — di avere accesso alle risorse e alle materie prime dell'entroterra attraverso le reti commerciali che si irradiavano da questi mercati. Questa integrazione delle risorse dell'entroterra nell'economia nazionale e internazionale può essere considerata parte di un'economia di mercato funzionante nell'entroterra della Scandinavia occidentale a partire dal tardo periodo vichingo.

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to Professor Frode Iversen and Dr Herdis Hølleland for their insightful comments. I would also like to acknowledge the support of the Museum of Cultural History for granting me time and resources to write this paper. Lastly, I would like to thank the editors and the reviewers for their constructive criticism. I am especially indebted to Professor Gitte Hansen for her thorough and valuable review.

Notes

1 The Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, PO Box 6762, N-0130 Oslo, Norway. [email protected]

2 Glørstad and Loftsgarden Citation2017; Skre Citation2012; Brink and Price Citation2008; Helle et al Citation2006; Andersson et al Citation2008.

3 Holm et al Citation2005.

4 KLNM 15: 539–41; Dørum 2004; Dyrvik 2004.

5 Larsen Citation2009; Rundberget Citation2013; Bergstøl Citation2008; Mikkelsen Citation1994; Tveiten Citation2012; Englund Citation2002; Magnusson Citation1986.

6 Skre Citation2007; Citation2008; Citation2011; Clarke and Ambrosiani Citation1991; Sindbaek Citation2007a; Bill and Rødsrud Citation2017; Pestell et al Citation2003; Helle et al Citation2006; Hansen Citation2017.

7 Loftsgarden Citation2017.

8 Fritzner Citation1867, 342–43; Rygh Citation1897–1924; Schmidt Citation2000.

9 For instance Haukenæs Citation1884–90 and Solheim Citation1952.

10 Skre Citation2017, 284.

11 Pedersen Citation2008; Skre Citation2013, 80–1.

12 Kristiansen et al Citation2016.

13 Larsen Citation2009.

14 Stenvik Citation2003.

15 Nørbach Citation1999, 245; Larsen Citation2009, 95.

16 Tveiten and Loftsgarden 2017.

17 Larsen Citation2009, 181–3.

18 Using the OxCal calibration software, developed and run by the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit at the University of Oxford.

19 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 66.

20 Rundberget Citation2013, 250.

21 Steen Citation1929, 211; Fønnebø Citation1988; Roland Citation2001; Sanmark Citation2009, 210.

22 Snorri Sturlason, ‘Sverres saga’ in Norges kongesagaer 3, ed and trans Gundersen and Hødnebø, 21–268. DN V, no 331; RN VII, no 1176; Herteig Citation1954; Citation1974; Solli Citation1999; Øye Citation1989.

23 Helle Citation1982.

24 Kristiansen et al Citation2016; Herteig Citation1968.

25 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 92–106.

26 Bloch-Nakkerud Citation1987; Loftsgarden Citation2015.

27 Loftsgarden 2017, 69; Rundberget Citation2013, 253–4.

28 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 69.

29 Andersson et al Citation2015.

30 Ibid, 224.

31 Ibid, 238.

32 Tylecote Citation1992, 188

33 As also pointed out by Hansen (Citation2015, 167–9).

34 Ibid, 225.

35 Andersson et al Citation2015, 247.

36 Karlsson 2015, 296.

37 Andersson et al Citation2015, 247

38 Narmo 1997, 128; Myhre 2002, 155

39 Sandnes and Salvesen Citation1978, 58, 61; Lunden Citation2002, 20; Øye 2002, 252.

40 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 71‒2.

41 Skre Citation2017.

42 Ibid, 283.

43 White Citation1964; Andersen et al Citation2016.

44 Myrdal Citation1999, 53.

45 Ibid.

46 Elsøe Jensen Citation2010, 10.

47 Lyngstrøm Citation2008; Larsen Citation2009, 193–4.

48 Baug 2015; Sindbaek 2005; Ashby et al 2015.

49 Birkedahl Citation2000, 35; Buchwald Citation2005; Lyngstrøm 2008; Rundberget Citation2015, 178–82.

50 Rundberget Citation2013, 302–8.

51 Larsen and Mjaerum Citation2014, 116–17.

52 Tveiten and Loftsgarden Citation2017.

53 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 264; Orrman 2003, 280.

54 Bjørkvik and Holmsen Citation1972, 71; Helle Citation1974, 158; Loftsgarden Citation2017, 225‒7.

55 Steinnes Citation1930, 141–2; Bjørkvik 1970.

56 Loftsgarden Citation2017, 273–5.

57 Barabási and Albert Citation1999; Sindbaek Citation2007b.

58 Brendalsmo et al Citation2009; Loftsgarden et al Citation2017.

59 See Ramsey Citation2017.

60 Herteig Citation1974; Myrvoll Citation1977; Larsen Citation1970.

61 NgL vol 3, 222–3; RN 7, nr 1191.

62 Snorri Sturlason, Saga Sverris konungs, ed Rafn and Magnússon, 194–203.

63 Øye Citation1989; Knagenhjelm Citation2004; Øye 1977.

64 Snorri Sturlason, ‘Sagaen om Magnus Erlingsson’ in Kongesagaer, trans Hödnebö, 639–41.

65 Snorri Sturlason, ‘Böglunga sögur’ in Konunga-sögur II, ed Jónnson, ch 9.

66 Solli and Stamnes Citation2013; Solli 1999; Herteig Citation1954.

67 Herteig Citation1968; Bakka Citation1954.

68 Kristiansen et al Citation2016.

69 Ey Citation1916; Kolsrud Citation1916; Øverland Citation1891.

70 Christie et al 2013.

71 Mus no C52727/9-11, see <http://www.unimus.no>

72 Gjellebøl 1800, 55–8; Glostrup and Huitfeldt-Kaas Citation1895, 39.

73 Larsen Citation1980; Glørstad and Wenn Citation2017.

74 Haukenæs Citation1894, 349; Dalen and Dalen Citation1960, 152.

75 Kraft Citation1830 ,680–1; Fett Citation1955, 4–7.

76 Mus no B6718/C23587l, see <http://www.unimus.no>

77 Vallevik Citation1961.

78 Loftsgarden et al Citation2017; Berg et al Citation2017.

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