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Nationalities Papers
The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity
Volume 33, 2005 - Issue 1
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Original Articles

Nation building, history writing and competition over the legacy of kyiv rus in Ukraine

Pages 29-58 | Published online: 20 Aug 2006
 

Notes

1. Viktor Stepanenko, The Construction of Identity and School Policy in Ukraine (New York: Commack, 1999), p. 108. Even the largely Russophile Mikhail Molchanov admitted that the Hrushevsky view of Kyiv Rus as a proto-Ukrainian state is “the mainstream view among historians.” See his Political Culture and National Identity in Russian–Ukrainian Relations (College Station, TX: Texas A&M Press, 2002), p. 112.

2. Stephen Shulman has a similar classification into “ethnic Ukranian” and “eastern Slavic” which approximates my own division into two historiographies (“Ukrainophile” and “eastern Slavic”). See his “National Identity and Public Support for Political and Economic Reform in Ukraine,” Slavic Review, Vol. 64, No. 1 (2005), forthcoming.

3. See Anthony D. Smith, “Ethnic Myths and Ethnic Revivals,” Journal of European Sociology, Vol. 25, 1984, pp. 283–305.

4. Anthony D. Smith, “National Identity and Myths of Ethnic Descent,” Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, Vol. 7, 1984, pp. 95–130.

5. Anthony D. Smith, “National Identity and Myths of Ethnic Descent,” Research in Social Movements, Conflict and Change, Vol. 7, 1984, p. 105. See also Matthew Levinger, “Myth and Mobilisation: The Triadic Structure of Nationalist Rhetoric,” Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2001, pp. 175–194; and Anthony D. Smith, “The ‘Golden Age’ and National Renewal,” in Geoffrey Hosking and George Schopflin, eds, Myths & Nationhood (London: Hurst, 1997), pp. 36–59.

6. Document 7446, Committee on Culture and Education, Council of Europe, Recommendation 1283, 22 January 1996, < www.coe.int >.

7. Anthony D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996), p. 150.

8. T. Kuzio, “The Myth of the Civic State: A Critical Survey of Hans Kohn's Framework for Understanding Nationalism,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1, 2002, pp. 20–39; and “Nationalising States or Nation Building: A Review of the Theoretical Literature and Empirical Evidence,” Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2001, pp. 135–154.

9. Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London, Sage, 1995), p. 71. See also Barny Schwartz, “The Social Context of Commemoration. A Study in Collective Memory,” Social Forces, Vol. 61, No. 2, 1982, pp. 374–402.

10. See Branimir Anzulovic, Heavenly Serbia. From Myth to Genocide (New York: New York University Press, 1999).

11. An example of negative attitudes towards myths and the rewriting of history in Ukraine can be found in Andrew Wilson, “Myths of National History in Belarus and Ukraine” in Geoffrey Hosking and George Schopflin, eds, Myths & Nationhood (London: Hurst, 1997), pp. 182–197.

12. Pal Kolsto, Political Construction Sites. Nation-Building in Russia and the Post-Soviet States (Boulder: Westview Press, 2000), p. 35.

13. See Catherine Wanner, Burden of Dreams: History and Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine. Post-communist Cultural Studies (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).

14. Thomas H. Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Perspectives (London: Pluto Press, 1993), p. 72.

15. Thomas H. Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism. Anthropological Perspectives (London: Pluto Press, 1993), p. 59. See also Walker Connor, “Beyond Reason: The Nature of the Ethnonational Bond,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1993, pp. 376–377.

16. Helen Parkins, “Archaeology and Nationalism: Excavating the Foundations of Ethnicity,” Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 3, No. 3, 1997, pp. 451–458.

17. Jonathan Friedman, “Myth, History and Political Identity,” Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 7, No. 2, 1992, p. 207.

18. See J. Friedman, “The Past in the Future: History and the Politics of Identity,” American Anthropologist, Vol. 94, No. 4, 1992, pp. 837, 854.

19. A. Wilson, The Ukrainians. Unexpected Nation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), p. 22.

20. A. Wilson, The Ukrainians. Unexpected Nation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), p. 22.

21. Wilson believes that “the modern Ukrainian state has a relative paucity of material with which to work.” Because Ukraine's regions existed in separate states until the Soviet era, it is difficult therefore to imagine Ukrainian history as “either a temporal or a geographic continuum.” See A. Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s. A Minority Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 25.

22. James I. Sheehan, “What Is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German History and Historiography,” Journal of Modern History, Vol. 53, No. 1, 1981, pp. 1–23.

23. Ben Macintyre, “Roman Claim to Paris Galls the French,” The Times, 8 January 1999.

24. John J. Miller, “Roots: Deep Ones. The Perils of Looking into American Prehistory,” National Review, 25 June 2001.

25. Anna Triandafyllion, “National Identity and the Other,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 21, No. 4, 1998, p. 606; and Jonathan Friedman, “History and the Politics of Identity,” American Athropologist, Vol. 94, No. 4, 1992, pp. 840, 846.

26. Eric Kaufmann, “Ethnic or Civic Nation? Theorizing the American Case,” Journal of American Studies, Vol. 33, No. 3, 1999, pp. 437–457.

27. D. A. Brading, “Monuments and Nationalism in Modern Mexico,” Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 7, No. 4, 2001, pp. 521–533.

28. Haggay Ram, “The Immemorial Iranian Nation? School Textbooks and Historical Memory in Post-revolutionary Iran,” Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 6, No. 1, 2000, pp. 67–90.

29. Serhiy Plokhy, “The City of Glory: Sevastopol in Russian Historical Mythology,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 35, No. 3, 2000, pp. 369–384.

30. Erik Eckholm, “In China Ancient History Kindles Modern Doubts,” New York Times, 10 November 2000.

31. Laurie K. Medina, “Defining Difference, Forging Unity: The Co-construction of Race, Ethnicity and Nation in Belize,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 20, No. 4, 1997, pp. 757–780.

32. Michael Heffernan, “History, Geography and the French National Space: The Question of Alsace-Lorraine, 1914–1918,” Space and Polity, Vol. 5, No. 1, 2001, pp. 27–48.

33. S. Plokhy, “The Ghosts of Pereyaslav: Russo-Ukrainian Historical Debates in the Post-Soviet Era,” Europe–Asia Studies, Vol. 53, No. 3, 2001, pp. 489–505.

34. In summer 2002 Russian President Vladimir Putin proposed that Russia and Belarus hold a joint referendum on full union. Lukashenka rejected this proposal as his understanding of “union” was a close confederation of equal states (not the absorption of Belarus by Russia). See T. Kuzio, “Public Opinion, Unions, and Nationalism in the Three Eastern Slavic States,” RFERL Poland, Belarus and Ukraine Report, 12 September 2002.

35. Olaf Caroe, Soviet Empire. The Turks of Central Asia and Stalinism (London: Macmillan, 1967).

36. Geoffrey Pridham, “The International Dimension of Democracy: Theory, Practice, and Inter-regime Comparisons,” in G. Pridham, Eric Herring and George Sanford, eds, Building Democracy? The International Dimensions of Democratisation in Eastern Europe (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1994), p. 26.

37. Jim MacLaughlin, Reimagining the Nation-State. The Contested Terrains of Nation-Building (London: Pluto Press, 2001), p. 143.

38. Dipesh Chakrabarty, “Minority Histories, Subaltern Parts,” Postcolonial Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1998, pp. 15–29.

39. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (London: Vintage, 1994), p. 238.

40. T. Kuzio, “Transition in Post-communist States: Triple or Quadruple?” Politics, Vol. 21, No. 3, 2001, pp. 169–178.

41. Alexander J. Motyl, Revolutions, Nations, Empires. Conceptual Limits and Theoretical Possibilities (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).

42. T. Kuzio, History, Memory and Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Colonial Space,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2002, pp. 241–264.

43. T. Kuzio, “Kazakhstan Grapples with Cultural Revival Dilemmas,” 22 January, < www.eurasianet.org > “Turkmenbashi Forges a New, Old Nation in Turkmenistan,” 14 February, < www.eurasianet.org > and “Soviet-Era Uzbek Elites Erase Russia from National Identity, 21 April 2002, < www.eurasianet.org >.

44. Anna Trianafyllidou, “National Identity and the Other,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 21, No. 4, 1998, pp. 593–612.

45. T. Kuzio, “Identity and Nation Building in Ukraine. Defining the ‘Other,’” Ethnicities, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2001, pp. 343–366.

46. Paul Robert Magocsi, The Roots of Ukrainian Nationalism. Galicia as Ukraine's Piedmont (Toronto: University of Toronto, 2002).

47. See V. V. Mavrodyn et al., eds, Sovetskaya Istoriografiya Kievskoy Rusy (Leningrad: Nauka, 1978).

48. Said, Culture and Imperialism, p. 257.

49. In February 2003 pro-presidential centrist parties celebrated the 85th birthday of Communist Party of Ukraine leader Vladimir Scherbytsky. See T. Kuzio, “Shcherbytsky Anniversary Celebrated for First Time in Ukraine,” RFERL Poland, Belarus and Ukraine Report, 11 March 2003.

50. A. Wilson, “The Donbas between Ukraine and Russia: The Use of History in Political Disputes,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 30, No. 2, 1995, pp. 265–289.

51. On Hungary see “No More Shades of Grey in History as in Politics,” Economist, 7 August 1999. On Ukraine see T. Kuzio, “Ukraine: Coming to Terms with the Soviet Legacy,” Journal of Communist Studies & Transition Politics, Vol. 14, No. 4, 1998, pp. 1–27.

52. Xose-Manoel Nunec, “What Is Spanish Nationalism Today? From Legitimacy Crisis to Unfulfilled Revolution,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 24, No. 5, 2001, p. 730.

53. On Britain see Maya Jaggi, “Casting off the Shackles of History,” The Guardian, 3 November 1999.

54. Neil MacMaster, “The Torture Controversey (1998–2002): Towards a ‘New History’ of the Algerian War?” Modern and Contemporary France, Vol. 10, No. 4, 2002, pp. 449–459.

55. On Italy see Rory Carroll, “Dirty Secrets,” Guardian Weekly, 5–11 November 2001; and on Japan see Stephen D. Wrage, “Germany and Japan Handle History Very Differently,” International Herald Tribune, 17 August 1995.

56. On Macedonian autocephaly see Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel. The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to Ethnic War (Boulder: Westview, 1996), pp. 175–181; and Vjekoslav Perica, Balkan Idols. Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). On post-1945 Macedonian nation building see Loring M.Danforth, “Claims to Macedonian Identity: The Macedonian Question and the Breakup of Yugoslavia,” Anthropology Today, Vol. 9, No. 4, 1993, pp. 3–10; and Stefan Troebst, “Yugoslav Macedonia, 1943–1953: Building the Party, the State, and the Nation,” in Melissa K. Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine and Carol S.Lily, eds, State–Society Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992 (New York: St Martins Press, 1997), pp. 243–266.

57. RFEL Newsline, 15 February 1999.

58. T. Kuzio, History, Memory and Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Colonial Space,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2002, pp. 241–264.

59. John Hutchinson, “Ethnicity and Modern Nations,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 23, No. 4, 2000, pp. 661–662; and Anthony D. Smith, The Nation in History. Historiographical Debates about Ethnicity and Nationalism (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), p. 68.

60. Edward Shils, Center and Periphery. Essays in Macrosociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 36.

61. Dipesh Chakrabarty, “Minority Histories, Subaltern Pasts,” Postcolonial Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1998, p. 17.

62. A long analysis of the Yulia Tymoshenko bloc in the weekly newspaper Zerkalo Nedeli/Dzerkalo Tyzhnia can be found at < http://www.mirror-weekly.com/ie/show/382/33937/ >.

63. Ukrainian State Television Channel 1, 5 March 2003.

64. Ukrayinska Pravda, 12 November 2003.

65. T. Kuzio, “Russia Continues to Disrespect Ukrainian Sovereignty,” RFERL Newsline, 9 May 2002.

66. Petro Tolochko, “Zaruchyky Obrazhenoii Istorychnoii Pamiati,” Viche, February 2000, p. 141. See also “Yaku Ukrayinsku Movu Plekaty?” Viche, November 2000, pp. 142–151.

67. In the 1998–2002 parliament an inter-faction group called “To Europe with Russia!” was organised by eastern Ukrainian oligarchs. See T. Kuzio, “To Europe with Russia! Ukraine's ‘Little Russian’ Foreign Policy,” RFERL Newsline, 4 June 2002. The irony is that only Ukraine, not Russia, seeks EU and NATO membership. If Ukraine were to achieve membership (which is not likely in the short term) Ukraine would be inside “Europe” (as represented by the EU) and Russia outside. The Ukrainian–Russian border would become the EU (European)–Eurasian border.

68. In the 1998–2002 parliament an inter-faction group called “To Europe with Russia!” was organised by eastern Ukrainian oligarchs. See T. Kuzio, “To Europe with Russia! Ukraine's ‘Little Russian’ Foreign Policy,” RFERL Newsline, 4 June 2002. The irony is that only Ukraine, not Russia, seeks EU and NATO membership. If Ukraine were to achieve membership (which is not likely in the short term) Ukraine would be inside “Europe” (as represented by the EU) and Russia outside. The Ukrainian–Russian border would become the EU (European)–Eurasian border.; Tolochko, “Zaruchyky Obrazhenoii Istorychnoii Pamiati,” p. 140.

69. Nancy Popson, “The Ukrainian History Textbook: Introducing Children to the “Ukrainian Nation,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 29, No. 2, June 2001, p. 328.

70. Interview with Tolochko in The Day, 22 August 1998.

71. Popson, “The Ukrainian History Textbook,” pp. 328–330.

72. Popson, “The Ukrainian History Textbook,” , p. 344.

73. Vasyl Kremen, the Minister of Education since 1997, is a member of the Kyiv oligarchic clan's Social Democratic United Party (SDPUo) led by Viktor Medvedchuk, head of the presidential administration since May 2002.

74. V. F. Verstiuk, O. M. Dziuba and V. F. Repryntsev, Ukrayina vid naydavnishikh chasiv do siohodennia (Kyiv: Naukova Dumka, 1995), p. 5.

75. Vilfrid Ilge, “Natsionalna Istoriya na prykladi zobrazhennia doby Kyivskoii Rusi v Ukrayinskykh pidruchnykakh z istorii,” in M. Telus and Y. Shapoval, eds, Ukrayinska Istorychna Dydaktyka, Mizhnarodnyi Dialoh (Kyiv: Heneza, 2000), pp. 76–108.

76. Germ Janmaat, “Ivan Mazepa and Sepan Bandera, Heroes or Traitors? The History of Ukraine in Soviet and Post-Soviet Textbooks,” paper presented at the annual convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, Columbia University, New York, 15–17 April 1999.

77. The only exception is Andrew Fesiak, “Nation Building in the Ukrainian Military,” in T. Kuzio and P. D'Anieri, eds, Dilemmas of State-Led Nation Building in Ukraine (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002), pp. 147–170.

78. Wilson believes that the 1994 presidential elections were a contest between the “nationalist” Kravchuk and the “anti-nationalist” Kuchma. Wilson, together with many other scholars at the time, went on to predict that after Kuchma's election victory the “nationalist” policies of the Kravchuk era would be replaced by ones more amenable to the eastern Ukrainian voters who elected Kuchma. As this article shows, this never happened in historiography and education. See A. Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s.

79. Surma (magazine of the National Guard), No. 1, 1995, p. 58–61.

80. Flot Ukrayiny (Navy), 9 December 1995.

81. Flot Ukrayiny, 18 May 1996.

82. Narodna Armiya (Ministry of Defence), 3 and 4 October 1996.

83. Flot Ukrayiny, 9 May and 14 June 1997; Narodna Armiya, 9 December 1997.

84. Prykordonnyk Ukrayiny (Border Troops), 14 March 1998.

85. Narodna Armiya, 15 and 16 October 1999, 13 September and 2 November 2000; Flot Ukrayiny, 1 December 1999.

86. Narodna Armiya, 24 March 2001.

87. See the December 2002 poll conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociological Studies, < http://www.pravda.com.ua/archive/2002/december/18/3.shtml > and T. Kuzio, “Support for Independence Returns to 1991 Levels,” RFERL Poland, Belarus and Ukraine Report, 21 January 2003.

88. Kataryna Wolczuk, The Moulding of Ukraine: The Constitutional Politics of State Formation (Budapest: Central European University, 2001), pp. 205–206. Wolczuk under-estimates the inability of centrists to propose alternative national symbols. Centrists or russophones were never able to put forward any alternative to the blue and yellow flag. The national democrats backed the blue and yellow flag while the communists, then the largest faction in parliament, backed the Soviet Ukrainian blue and red. What was the flag advocated by centrists?

89. Wilfried Jilge, “State Symbolism and National Identity in Ukraine since 1991,” paper presented to the annual convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities, Columbia University, New York, 12–14 April 2000, p. 9.

90. Roman Rosliak, “Herb na Ukrayinskykh Zemliakh,” Narodna Armiya, 28 November 1997.

91. Uriadovyi Kurier, 27 August 2003. Of course, theory and practice are often at odds in Kuchma's domestic policies, which have been decidedly non-European since he was re-elected in November 1999.

92. Ukrainian State Television Channel 1, 17 May 2003. Kuchma pointed out that the Kyiv Rus royal family intermarried with royal families from Germany, Poland, England, Moravia, Byzantium, France, Austria, Hungary, Denmark, Bulgaria and Norway. The Ukrainian embassy in France changed the inscription on the tomb of Anna Yaroslavna (Grand Prince Yaroslav Mudry's daughter), who married Henri Ier, King of France, from that of “Anne de Russie” to “Anne de Kiev.” The monument is to be found at the Monastery of St Vincent, Senlis, northeast of Paris, where she died. The Comtesse de Paris attended the ceremony marking the changing of the inscription, since she claims to be one of Yaroslavna's descendents.

93. W. Jilge, “Staatssymbolik und nationale Identitat in der postkommunistischen Ukraine,” Ethnos-Nation, Vol. 6, Nos1–2, 1998, pp. 85–113.

94. W. Jilge, “State Symbolism and National Identity in Ukraine since 1991.”

95. See the interview with Maria Dmytriyeno and Yuriy Savchuk, “Ukrayina Povynna Maty Velykyi Derzhavnyi Herb,” Narodna Armiya, 2 December 1997; and Maria Dmytriyenko and Yuriy Savchuk, “Pyshaymosia! Yednaymosia! Mitsniymo! Ukrayiny Matyme Nareshti Derzhavnyi Himn I Velykyi Derzhavnyi Herb Ukrayiny,” Flot Ukrayiny, 19–25 August 2000.

96. See the document prepared by the Department of Propaganda in the Main Directorate on Educational Work, Ministry of Defence, entitled “Povahy Do Derzhavnykh Symboliv Ukrayiny—Vplyv Patriotyzsmu I Svidomoii Hromadianskoii Pozytsii Zakhysnyka Batkivshychny,” Narodna Armiya, 15 January 2000.

97. Natalia Tymoshenko, “Derzhavnyi Prapor—Symvol Krayiny,” Polityka I Chas, No. 10, 1997, pp. 62–65.

98. Prezydentskyi Visnyk, 30 November and 9 December 2000, 9 February and 24 February 2001.

99. This is directly asserted in Vasyl Mishyn, “Natsionalni hroshi Ukrayiny,” Narodna Armiya, 7 June 2000.

100. Ingert Kuzych, “Focus on Philately: The Founding Family of Kyivan Rus,” Ukrainian Weekly, 3 November 2002.

101. D. Tabachnyk et al., eds, Nahorody Ukrayiny. Istoriya, Fakty, Dokumenty, 3 vols (Kyiv: ARC-Ukraine, 1996); and Vidznaky Prezydenta Ukrayiny. Ordeny, medali, nahorodna zbroya (Kyiv: Mystetsvo, 1999). See also the interview with Yevhen Kushnariov, head of the Commission on State Medals of Ukraine attached to the president, in Uriadovyi Kurier, 19 August 1997; and Vasyl Vecherskyi, “Nahorody—etalon kultury derzhavy,” Chas, 10–16 July 1997. The law on medals can be found in Holos Ukrayiny, 18 April 2000.

102. For the presidential decree on Princess Olha see Uriadovyi Kurier, 19 August 1997.

103. “Imenyny stolytsi sviatkuiut demokratiya, pravoslavia ta narod!” Holos Ukrayiny, 27 May 1997. Interestingly, it was the pro-autocephalous UOC-KP, not the Russian Patriarchate's exarchate in Ukraine, the UOC, which was invited to the event.

104. Uriadovyi Kurier, 27 May 1997. See also “Kyiv vidsviatkuvav imenyny,” Vechirnyi Kyiv, 27 May 1997.

105. Natalia Solonska, “Ne mechem yedynym … ,” Holos Ukrayiny, 27 December 1997.

106. Viktor Huseyev and Yuriy Kalyntsev, “Yaroslav Mudry—‘siyach,’” Den, 11 June 1999.

107. See Zenon E. Kohut, “The Development of a Ukrainian National Historiography in Imperial Russia,” in Thomas Sanders, ed., Historiography of Imperial Russia. The Profession and Writing of History in a Multinational State (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), pp. 453–478.

108. Ihor Siuniukov, “Storichchia XII. ‘Slavnyi peremohamy Monomakh,’” Den, 14 October 2000.

109. Ivan Drach, “Nekhay Kniahynia Olha Bude Pershoiu … ,” Molod Ukrayiny, 19 April 1996.

110. Olena Yatshenko, “Kniahynia Olha, sviati Kyrylo I Mefodiy znovu pryjshly u Kyiv I zupynylysia tam, de prebudut bobiky bikiv,” Chas, 31 May 1996; and Holos Ukrayiny, 28 May 1996

111. Rupert Cornwell, “Spirit of Old Russia Reclaims New Moscow,” The Independent, 19 July 1997.

112. Dmytro Mossienko, “St. Michael's Rises above Ukraine Again,” Eastern Economist, 20 July 1998.

113. Roman Woronowycz, “Historic St. Michael's Golden-Domed Sobor Is Rebuilt,” Ukrainian Weekly, 29 November 1998.

114. Kuchma's decree on the famine anniversary can be found at < http://www.president.gov.ua/activity/114407592.html >. See also the decree to expand the range of commemorations of the famine and other Soviet crimes against Ukrainians at < www.president.gov.ua/officedocuments/118277931.html >.

115. < http://maidan.org.ua >for 23 April 2003.

116. See the large article covering two of four pages of the organ of the Ministry of Defence, entitled “Drevniy I vichno molodyi—zi sviatom, Kyive miy!” Narodna Armiya, 2 June 1998.

117. R. Woronowycz, “Kyiv Days Focus on Treasured Monuments,” Ukrainian Weekly, 14 June 1998.

118. Natalia A. Feduschak, “Renaissance of Kyiv,” The Ukrainian Weekly, 3 November 2002.

119. P. P. Tolochko et al., eds, Davna Istoriya Ukrayiny, 2 vols (Kyiv: Lybid, 1994).

120. K. P. Buniatyn, V. Yu. Murzin and O. V. Symonenko, Na Svitanku Istorii, Vol. 1; S. D. Kryzhytskyi, V. M. Zubar and A. S. Rusiayeva, Antychni Derzhavy Pivnichnoho Prychornomoria, Vol. 2; V. D. Baran, Davni Sloviany, Vol. 3; O. P. Tolochko and P. P. Tolochko, Kyivska Rus, Vol. 4; and M. F. Kotliar, Halytsko-Volynska Rus, Vol. 5 (Kyiv: Alternatyvy, 1998).

121. Popson, “The Ukrainian History Textbook,” p. 344.

122. Philip Longworth, “Review Article. Ukraine: History and Nationality,” Slavonic and East European Review, Vol. 78, No. 1, 2000, p. 116

123. P. P. Tolochko et al., eds, Davnia Istoriya Ukrayiny v Triokh Tomakh (Kyiv: Naukova Dumka, 1997 and 1998).

124. Magocsi, A History of Ukraine, p. 25.

125. Valko Kravchenko, “Pokhodzhennia Ukrayinskoho Narodu,” Flot Ukrayiny, 7 September 1996.

126. See the report of a Ukrainian naval conference on educational issues that was undertaken jointly with the Union of Ukrainian Officers and the Prosvita Ukrainian Language Society to help prepare officers: “Natsionalna Ideya I Rozvytok Ukrayiny yak Suverennoi Derzhavy,” Flot Ukrayiny, 19 April 1997. See also the material prepared by the Department of Propaganda in the Directorate of Educational Work of the Ukrainian Navy: “Istoriya Dukhovnoho Stanovlennia Ukrayinskoii Natsii,” Flot Ukrayiny, 12 July 1997.

127. See P. P. Tolochko et al., eds, Ethnichna Istoriya Ukrainy (Kyiv: National Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archaeology, 2000).

128. Volodymyr Borysenko, “Anty, Rusy, Ukrayintsi,” Viche, July 1993, p. 148.

129. Nikolai Stepanenko, “Luna Volkov ne Boyitsia,” Flot Ukrayiny, 24 August 1996.

130. Petro Hopych, “Ukrayina—zemlia ariiv?” Holos Ukrayiny, 30 January 1997.

131. Flot Ukrayiny, 18 November 1995.

132. See Ihor Shramko, “Rus Krymu,” Uriadovyi Kurier, 27 July 1995; and Valentyna Piskun, “Spoonviku tut zhyvut Ukrayintsi,” Chas, 21–27 August 1997.

133. See T. Kuzio, “Borders, Symbolism and Nation-State Building: Ukraine and Russia,” Geopolitics and International Boundaries, Vol. 2, No. 2, 1997, pp. 36–56.

134. Mykola Vladzimorskyi et al., “Viys'kovo-Mors'ki Syly Ukrayiny,” brochure issued on the fifth anniversary of the creation of Ukraine's navy in 1997; copy in the author's possession.

135. “Natsional'na Ideya I Rozvytok Ukrayiny iak Suverennoii Derzhavy,” Flot Ukrayiny, 19 April 1997.

136. The December 2003 elections to the Russian State Duma produced a two-thirds nationalist majority composed of President Vladimir Putin's Unified Russia, Vladimir Zhirinovsky's Liberal Democratic Party and the Motherland bloc. See Vremya MN (29 May 2003) for a survey of the rise of these nationalist parties, many of which lay claim to the Kyiv Rus legacy as a way of promoting East Slavic union.

137. Edward L. Keenan, “On Certain Mythical Beliefs and Russian Behaviour,” in S. Frederick Starr, ed., The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1994), p. 21.

138. Omeljan Pritsak and John S. Reshetar, “The Ukraine and the Dialectics of Nation-Building,” Slavic Review, Vol. 22, No. 2, 1963, p. 236.

139. Relations in the Triangle: Russia–Belarus–Ukraine (Kyiv: Centre for Peace, Conversion and Foreign Policy of Ukraine, no date).

140. For a discussion of this question see L. Zalizniak, “Istorychna Spadshchyna Kyivskoii Rusi,” Vechirnyi Kyiv, 21 June 1996.

141. For a discussion of this question see L. Zalizniak, “Istorychna Spadshchyna Kyivskoii Rusi,” Vechirnyi Kyiv, 21 June 1996.

142. Smith, “National Identity and Myths of Ethnic Descent,” p. 101; Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 40–41; Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 150; Karl W. Deutsch, “Communications Theory and Political Integration,” in Philip E. Jacob and James V. Toscano, eds, The Integration of Political Communities (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1964), pp. 48, 62; Anthony H. Birch, Nationalism and National Integration (London: Unwin & Hyman, 1989), p. 10; Hutchinson, “Ethnicity and Modern Nations,” p. 661.

143. It can be disputed whether the 1789 French Revolution represented any progress for women until as late as 1944 when they eventually obtained the vote.

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Taras Kuzio

Resident Fellow at the Centre for Russian & East European Studies

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