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Notes
See Brandenberger, National Bolshevism, which also covers popular mass culture in the war years and postwar Stalinism in great detail.
See, for example, Simonsen for an excellent treatment of this question. Space precludes any detailed discussion on my part but the issue is a familiar one to scholars.
For example, he expressed this sentiment on Belarusian Television, Channel 1, 8 April 2010.
Interestingly, however, he continues to emphasize the independence of Belarus from Russia, despite the existence of a Russia-Belarus Union State. See, for example, Putin's interview on 2 February 2010.
The leader in question was Pavel Postyshev. He was followed by Nikita Khrushchev, Lazar Kaganovich, Khrushchev again, and Leonid Melnikov. Aleksey Kirichenko, appointed in June 1953, was the first Ukrainian to lead the Communist Party of Ukraine.
Knight notes that while Beri'a main concern was about repressions in Western Ukraine, he highlighted the negative impact of Russification also in Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. See also Kremlov (682).
This same point is made by Hough and Fainsod (164).
They include Belgorod, Kursk, and Orel (April 2007), and the more obscure Vladikavkaz, Elnya, Elets, Malgobek, and Rzhev (October 2007).
See, for example, Vladimir Putin's Statement to the Press after Ceremonies Marking the 60th Anniversary of the Opening of the Second Front.
There was no logic behind such a simplistic stance. Russians, like other nationalities, had their share of heroes and traitors and proportionally, Belarusians and Ukrainians probably suffered more losses fighting Hitler's forces than did ethnic Russians. Interestingly the epic scale of the losses is generally used to embellish Stalin's achievement rather than criticize his willingness (along with commanders such as Georgii Zhukov and others) to expend lives. One recent estimate of wartime losses, military and civilian, is 38.8 million (Pervyshin 367).