The Influence of Media Role Models on Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Identity

Abstract

The current investigation examined the influence of the media on gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) identity using both survey and in-depth interview approaches. In Study 1, 126 GLB survey respondents (11 unreported) in Texas indicated that the media influenced their self-realization, coming out, and current identities by providing role models and inspiration. In Study 2, 15 interviewees (6 women and 9 men) revealed that media role models serve as sources of pride, inspiration, and comfort. Our findings suggest that increasing the availability of GLB role models in the media may positively influence GLB identity.

Keywords:

• homosexuality
• identity
• media
• role models
• sexual orientation

Ever since Ellen DeGeneres made television history by coming out of the closet on her popular primetime sitcom Ellen in 1998, gay and lesbian characters have become increasingly prominent in the media (see Gross, 1994, and Hart, 2000, for discussions). In the years since Ellen, television shows such as Will and Grace, Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, and The L Word, movies such as Brokeback Mountain and Angels in America (which was also an influential play), and musical artists such as Melissa Etheridge, Rufus Wainwright, and The Indigo Girls have emerged, appealing to a wide audience of both homosexuals and heterosexuals. As the prominence of gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) figures in the media has risen, it seems likely that the media's impact on the lives of GLB individuals has also grown. As such, the purpose of the current investigation was to examine the influence of the media on GLB identity. In Study 1, we sought to confirm the existence of the relationship between the media and GLB identity by conducting a quantitative survey of GLB participants at a gay pride festival in Texas. In Study 2, we sought to extend the findings from Study 1 by conducting qualitative in-depth interviews with GLB individuals in an attempt to uncover the processes by which the media interacts with GLB identity in a way that the survey format of Study 1 did not allow.

Empirical attention on the relationship between the media and GLB identity can be justified by the role of contextual factors in GLB identity development (Hammack, 2005). Indeed, the GLB identity development process, including the realization of one's same-sex sexual desires and coming out, has been conceptualized as a dynamic process that is mediated by the cultural and historical context in which GLB individuals live (Hammack, 2005). Although there appears to be a biological basis for same-sex attraction (for a review, see Rahman & Wilson, 2003), each individual who experiences this attraction will likely develop a distinct sexual identity due in part to the influence of such cultural factors. For example, in interviews with lesbian participants from varying age groups, Parks (1999) found that participants' sexual identity development, including the timing and the meanings ascribed to developmental events such as coming out, was related to the social and cultural context in which participants developed. Thus, contextual factors, including the effects of the media, should be considered when studying GLB identity.

As Hammack's (2005) framework of GLB identity development suggests, cultural factors such as the media may influence important psychological domains, including individuals' self-perceptions. Ochman (1996), for example, found that exposing children to same-sex storybook characters who were strong, positive role models enhanced children's positive self-concepts. This finding is significant in part because Ochman demonstrated that positive portrayals of media characters who share similarities with an individual can produce changes in the individual's self-perception. Consistent with this notion, Wohlford, Lochman, and Barry (2004) found that participants were more likely to have high self-esteem if they believed they shared many character traits with their role models than if they believed they shared few traits with their role models. In short, because having role models with similar characteristics predicts high self-esteem, it seems reasonable to expect that GLB individuals who have access to GLB role models may have higher self-esteem than GLB individuals who lack access to such role models. Having role models has also been shown to be related to self-efficacy. For example, Cheung and Yue (2003) found that modeling after accomplished and distinguished individuals is related to a higher sense of self-efficacy among adolescents. It follows that GLB adolescents who model after successful GLB media figures or personally known GLB individuals may have a greater sense of self-efficacy in terms of coming out and achieving a fully developed identity.

As previously mentioned, Ochman (1996) also showed that the positive effects of role models on children's self-concepts were produced when the children in the study were exposed to positive characters who were similar to themselves (i.e., they were the same gender as the children). Indeed, the notion that a role model's similarity to an individual is an important predictor of the role model's influence has been confirmed by a variety of studies demonstrating that people are more influenced by role models of the same gender or race (Basow & Howe, 1980; Giuliano, Turner, Lundquist, & Knight, 2007; Karunanayake & Nauta, 2004; Lockwood, 2006). Taken together, these findings suggest that GLB individuals may be more influenced by GLB media role models than by heterosexual media figures due to the GLB role models' similar identities.

Media role models can also influence individuals' personality characteristics and values through the process of identification. Feilitzen and Linne (1975) suggested two primary types of identification: similarity identification and wishful identification. Similarity identification is defined as finding similarities with or idealizing a media figure and living vicariously through his or her activities. Wishful identification, on the other hand, occurs when an individual desires to resemble a media figure due to the media figure's appealing qualities (e.g., fame, attractiveness). In an exploration of the role of the media in children and adolescents' identity development, Matthews (2003) found that preschoolers intensely identify with television and movie characters and imitate them while playing. Similarly, school-aged children use television and movie characters as role models for their social behavior and continue to imitate them while playing. In high school, adolescents' peers become more influential to their media-viewing choices and the media becomes an important component of their social lives. Matthews also found that the media provides positive role models for children and adolescents and can exert a beneficial influence on their social lives. However, the media can also exert a harmful influence on children and adolescents by providing negative role models and by exposing children to traumatic content. In general, Matthews concluded that media experiences contribute to individuals' development of their sense of self and that these experiences remain salient into young adulthood and possibly beyond. In a similar vein, Boon and Lomore (2001) found that among young adults with strong attachments to celebrities, participants believed that their attitudes, values, and personality characteristics have been influenced by their idols. Although neither Matthews nor Boon and Lomore examined the influence of the media in relation to sexual orientation, their findings suggest that the media could similarly contribute to the development of GLB identity throughout the lifespan.

Unfortunately, there is little research specifically focusing on the influence of media figures on GLB individuals' identity. Theoretical work has pointed to the importance of media figures in shaping GLB identity (see Clum, 2000, Dyer, 1986, and Gross, 2001). These scholars argue that the concealable nature of sexual minorities' identities and their historical exclusion from mainstream culture has given many of them a heightened awareness of theatricality and performativity, which, in turn, increases their affiliation with film and television stars. In addition, the few exploratory empirical studies in this area provide intriguing qualitative evidence of the media's influence on GLB identity. In one such study, Kivel and Kleiber (2000) reported that lesbian and gay youth use various media sources to learn about lesbian and gay identity and to find individuals with whom they can relate. In these media sources, participants also found role models who provided them with the inspiration to be successful and to overcome adversity. In a somewhat different vein, Dobinson and Young (2000) found that lesbian film viewers identified most with female characters who did not conform to traditional feminine roles and that they responded especially positively to actresses who were rumored to be lesbian and to films featuring close friendships between women. In short, Dobinson and Young and Kivel and Kleiber identified a number of ways in which GLB individuals interact with the media in such a way that increases their comfort with their GLB identity. Although past research has suggested possibilities for the manner in which the media may influence GLB individuals (Basow & Howe, 1980; Boon & Lomore, 2001; Karunanayake & Nauta, 2004; Lockwood, 2006; Matthews, 2005; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004) and has qualitatively examined the influence of the media on GLB subgroups such as lesbians (Dobinson & Young, 2000) and GLB youth (Kivel & Kleiber, 2000), there is a dearth of empirical research that has systematically examined the influence of the media on GLB individuals' identities. The purpose of the current investigation was to address this gap by examining the relationship between the media and GLB identity in depth, with a particular focus on the influence of media role models on GLB identity.

STUDY 1

The purpose of Study 1 was to confirm the relationship between the media and GLB identity by surveying a sample of GLB participants about how the media relates to different aspects of GLB life, including GLB identity and the coming-out process. Specifically, the current study examined which media figures and sources participants named as influential to their realization that they were GLB, to their decision to come out, and to their comfort with their GLB identities. The current study also examined how participants described the influence of these media figures and sources on participants' realization that they were GLB and on their decision to come out. In addition, the current study also investigated participants' opinions of various aspects of the media, including the specific media figures that participants listed most frequently as positive and negative portrayals of GLB individuals, whether participants listed more positive or negative portrayals of GLB media figures overall, and what participants would like to see more of in the media in terms of its depictions of GLB characters. Finally, the current study also examined whether participants rated various forms of media (e.g., the Internet, movies, books) differently in terms of their influence on participants' decision to come out.

Method

Participants

The sample consisted of 126 respondents (62 women, 53 men, and 11 unknown) attending a gay pride festival in Austin, Texas, in 2005. The majority of participants were White (69.5%), with the remainder of the sample identifying as Hispanic (16.4%), Asian American (4.7%), African American (2.5%), multiracial (.8%), or “other” (1.6%). The age of participants ranged from 18 to 64 (M = 33; SD = 8.94). The majority of participants (89.1%) reported being homosexual, 8.6% reported being bisexual, and 2.3% did not indicate their sexual orientation.

Measures

The one-page, double-sided questionnaire was intentionally kept brief in order to attract as many participants as possible. The questionnaire assessed four primary areas of interest: self-realization of GLB identity, the coming-out process, current identity, and GLB media figures. An initial section assessed demographic information, including age, race, gender, and sexual orientation. Sexual orientation was measured on a 7-point scale modified from the Kinsey scale (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948) that ranged from 0 (exclusively other-sex attraction) to 6 (exclusively same-sex attraction).

Self-realization of GLB identity

Several items asked respondents to discuss their self-realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Self-realization refers to participants' process of becoming privately aware of their attraction to members of the same sex and becoming aware that they were GLB (see McCarn & Fassinger, 1996, and Roseborough, 2003, for discussions of this process). Participants were also asked to report the age at which they first became aware of their orientation and to indicate on a 3-point scale (no, somewhat, and yes) the extent to which the media had influenced their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Next, in an open-ended question, participants were asked to identify specific characters, shows, Websites, and other forms of media that were influential to their self-realization process. A final open-ended question in this section asked participants to describe how these media forms influenced their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual.

Coming out

In the next section, participants were asked about their coming-out process, which was defined as the process of divulging one's gay, lesbian, or bisexual identity to others. First, participants reported the extent to which they were out among their friends, family, coworkers, and to the public (α = .74) on a 3-point scale (no, somewhat, and yes) and also indicated the age at which they came out to each of these groups. Participants were then asked to rate how influential different forms of media (i.e., television, magazines and newspapers, movies, music and radio, books, and the Internet) were to their coming-out process on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all influential) to 5 (very influential). Following these items was an open-ended question that asked participants to list specific forms of media that were influential to their coming-out process. Finally, participants were asked to describe how the different media that they listed influenced their coming-out process.

Current identity

Several items on the questionnaire assessed the ways in which the media influenced participants' current identity. First, they were asked to indicate the extent to which the media increases their comfort with their GLB identity on a 3-point scale (very little, somewhat, and very much). Next, participants were asked to list specific shows, characters, Websites, and other forms of media that increased their comfort with their identity.

GLB media figures

Subsequent items on the questionnaire assessed participants' opinions about the media's portrayal of GLB characters. First, they were asked to rate how positively the media portrays gays, lesbians, and bisexuals on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (very negatively) to 5 (very positively). The remaining three open-ended questions asked participants to list positive and negative portrayals of GLB characters as well as to describe what they would like to see more of in the media in terms of portrayals of GLB characters.

Procedure

Attendants at a gay pride festival in Austin, Texas, were approached by the researchers and told that the purpose of the survey was to study the influence of the media on gay, lesbian, and bisexual identity. If they agreed to complete the survey, they were shown the instructions and each section was briefly explained to them. After participants completed the survey and placed it into a folder to protect their anonymity, they were thanked and offered a small pride-related trinket (such as a bracelet or sticker) as a token of appreciation.

Coding of open-ended responses

The data from the open-ended questions were coded in order to investigate most of the research questions. Interrater reliability was established by having both the researcher and an independent rater code participants' responses. The average Cohen's kappa across questions for the two coders was .82. Discrepancies between coders were resolved through discussion and, when discussion could not yield a consistent code, discrepancies were resolved by alternating between coders' assigned codes in a randomized fashion until complete agreement was reached.

Results and Discussion

The open-ended questions were coded to examine the media sources and figures that participants most frequently listed as influential to their self-realization, coming-out process, and comfort with their GLB identity and to examine participants' descriptions of how the media figures influenced these domains. Participants listed a variety of miscellaneous television characters (number in subsample, n = 8) and Ellen DeGeneres (n = 5) as being influential to their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. When asked how the media sources and characters that participants listed influenced their realization that they were GLB, the most common response was that they identified with the characters (n = 6). For example, one participant reported that “watching the main character deal with her sexuality and society's reaction, I really connected with her struggle.” Another common response was that the characters served as role models (n = 5). One participant wrote that “positive role models were crucial to letting me know I wasn't alone.” Indeed, having such a sense of social support has been shown to enhance individuals' psychological and physical well being (Wills, 1990).

Ellen DeGeneres also appeared to be influential to participants' decisions to come out to others; she was most frequently mentioned (n = 11), as were books (n = 10), Websites (n = 7), and the television show, Will and Grace (n = 6). When participants described how the characters, shows, Websites, and other media influenced their coming-out process, the most frequent response was that these media forms inspired participants to feel pride in their identities (n = 11). In addition, participants indicated that media figures served as role models (n = 7) and that mere exposure to GLB characters and media sources was influential (n = 9). As an example, one participant wrote that GLB media sources “[let] me know we were out there.”

Participants listed several different shows and media figures as making them feel more comfortable with their GLB identities, including The L Word (n = 26), Will and Grace (n = 20), Queer as Folk (n = 18), and Ellen DeGeneres (n = 15). To determine whether participants' preference for different shows and characters was related to their gender, a Pearson chi-square test was conducted. This test compares the observed frequency distribution of scores to a theoretical frequency distribution to determine whether two variables are independent or related. The test indicated that the shows participants listed were indeed related to participants' gender. Specifically, women (n = 19) were significantly more likely than men (n = 3) to list The L Word as making them feel more comfortable with their identities, χ²(2, N = 115) = 10.98, p = .004. By contrast, men (n = 15) were significantly more likely than women (n = 5) to list Will and Grace, χ²(2, N = 115) = 9.26, p < .05. However, men and women were equally likely to list Ellen DeGeneres and Queer as Folk. This finding is not surprising considering that The L Word primarily featured lesbian characters, whereas Will and Grace featured gay male characters. Indeed, our results corroborate previous findings that people are more likely to be influenced by same-sex role models (Basow & Howe, 1980; Giuliano et al., 2007; Lockwood, 2006; Ochman, 1996).

When asked to list positive depictions of GLB characters, Ellen (n = 25) was most frequently mentioned by participants, as were The L Word (n = 19) and Will and Grace (n = 15). Interestingly, Will and Grace (n = 13) was also frequently cited for its negative depiction of GLB characters, as was Queer as Folk (n = 8). Next, a t test was conducted to determine whether participants listed more positive or negative portrayals overall. The results revealed that participants reported a greater number of positive depictions of GLB characters (M = .92) than negative depictions (M = .55), t(122) = 3.95, p < .001. This finding could simply be a result of participants' favorite characters coming to mind more easily (i.e., the availability heuristic, see Tversky & Kahneman, 1973), or it could be indicate a shift from negative, stereotypical portrayals of GLB characters in the media to a greater incidence of positive portrayals. Further research is needed to examine the content of GLB-themed media to determine whether its portrayal of GLB individuals has in fact become more positive in recent years. However, an important caveat to these reports is that respondents' perception of portrayals as “positive” or “negative” is subjective. In other words, individuals interpret media representations in multiple ways—negative representations may not always be interpreted as negative, for instance (see Dyer, 2000). Thus, these reports should be considered with this subjectivity in mind.

When asked what they would like to see more of in terms of media portrayals of GLB characters, participants most frequently reported that they would like to see more realistic portrayals of GLB individuals (n = 40). As one participant noted, he would like to see more “normal people with normal jobs who just happen to be gay.” The content of “realistic” portrayals most likely will differ across individuals, depending on their perspective. These reports may be interpreted as calls for greater diversity in terms of ethnicity, income level, occupation, age, etc., as well as less glamorized portrayals (as the above quote suggests). Participants also reported that they would like to see more portrayals of GLB families in particular (n = 15), and more positive portrayals in general (n = 13). Thus, despite the fact that participants listed a greater number of positive portrayals of GLB individuals than negative portrayals, participants clearly desired many changes in the representation of this group.

Finally, a 1 × 6 repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to determine whether the various forms of media differed in their degree of influence on participants' coming-out process. Because the assumption of sphericity was violated for the test, Greenhouse-Geisser degrees of freedom were used. The results confirmed that participants ranked the various forms of media (i.e., television, magazines, movies, music, books, and the Internet) differently, F(4.24, 466.46) = 4.03, p = .003. A Tukey post hoc test (α = .05) revealed that the Internet and books were rated as most influential, television and movies were rated as relatively less influential, and music and magazines were rated as least influential overall. It is likely that the Internet's diverse resources for GLB individuals contribute to its high level of influence. Another possible reason why the Internet is influential to GLB individuals was suggested by McKenna and Bargh (1998), who found that GLB individuals who participated in online discussion groups had greater self-acceptance of their identities, were more likely to have revealed this identity to their friends and families as a result of their participation in these online groups, and felt less estranged from society in general. The authors concluded that such online groups are important to individuals with marginalized identities because these groups offer their members a sense of community and belonging that is often unattainable in the real world. Further research is needed to determine conclusively how the Internet differs from other media forms with respect to its relationship with GLB individuals.

In sum, Study 1 was one of the first to systematically examine the influence of the media on GLB identity. In addition, participants provided feedback about specific individuals and characters who were influential to them, such as Ellen DeGeneres and Will from Will and Grace. However, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, although the gay pride festival provided a unique opportunity to gather a large sample of GLB participants, its generally positive atmosphere may have biased some of the responses to the survey questions (e.g., participants' responses may have been more positive than they would have been in another context). It cannot be determined from the results of this study alone whether this bias was present or what its precise effects may have been, but the possibility of such a bias must be considered when interpreting the results. In addition, the busy atmosphere of the gay pride festival and the survey format itself did not allow for participants to elaborate in great detail on their responses or to explore avenues of thought about which the survey questions did not ask. Thus, the processes by which the media relates to GLB identity could not be thoroughly explored. However, Study 1 did suggest that the media exerts an important influence on GLB individuals' identities, and therefore a more in-depth investigation of this influence seemed warranted.

STUDY 2

Consistent with the body of research indicating that role models positively influence various aspects of identity in general (e.g., Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004), Study 1 indicated that participants considered media role models to be influential to their identities. Specifically, participants reported that media role models were influential to the self-realization of their GLB identities and to their coming-out process. Other research has also indicated that role models may be important to various aspects of GLB identity. In one of the few studies in this area, Bringaze and White (2001) surveyed lesbian leaders and role models about the resources they used during their coming-out process. Participants reported that support from older gays and lesbians, including GLB role models, was especially helpful. Thus, Bringaze and White concluded that role models are a helpful component of the coming-out process for well-adjusted lesbians, which presumably would also be true for well-adjusted gay men and bisexual men and women. In another study in this area, Nauta, Saucier, and Woodard (2001) found that GLB college students believed that it was important for their career role models to be GLB or to support GLB individuals. Interestingly, GLB students also reported that they received a low level of support and guidance from their career role models, indicating that their role models were not personally known by them and probably came from the media or other external sources.

Although media role models can exert a positive influence over GLB individuals, such role models have historically been somewhat scarce due to underrepresentation or to negative representations of GLB individuals in the media (Gross, 1994, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987). According to Fryberg and Townsend (2008), such underrepresentation, or invisibility, can take two primary forms—absolute invisibility or relative invisibility. Absolute invisibility refers to a total absence of representations of a particular group and is thought to limit the possibilities for a group member's identity by limiting the available schematic representations of possible selves. By contrast, relative invisibility refers to an absence of rich, positive representations of a particular group (i.e., although representations exist, they are stereotypical and narrow). Relative invisibility also limits schematic representations of possible selves, as well as causes negatively represented group members to question both their individual value and their value within society.

Both types of invisibility are relevant to this article. Throughout much of the twentieth century, homosexuality was primarily depicted implicitly, if at all (Gross, 2001; Russo, 1987). In fact, industry standards for both forms of media explicitly forbade depictions of homosexual behavior. When implicitly gay characters appeared in the media, they typically were depicted according to one of several archetypes. For gay men, the “sissy” was a common archetype—an asexual, effeminate, and often ridiculous or ineffectual foil to a story's hero (Russo, 1987). Lesbian characters were rarely portrayed in the media during this era (Capsuto, 2000), but when they were, their portrayal typically adhered to the “predatory and lonely lesbian” or “dyke” archetypes, both of which heavily emphasized the characters' sinister, masculine qualities (Russo, 1987). These archetypes remained prevalent even when homosexuality was referenced explicitly in the latter decades of the twentieth century. During this time, depictions of GLB characters were typically as either victims or villains, both of whom frequently had tragic outcomes, such as suicide, violent death, or isolation (Capusto, 2000; Gross, 2001; Russo, 1987). Indeed, even acclaimed contemporary depictions of GLB characters, such as Brokeback Mountain, still adhere to these conventions. Based on the history of GLB representation in the media, it seems reasonable to expect that most GLB individuals have personally experienced both absolute and relative invisibility in the media and, therefore, may have experienced the negative effects of both types of invisibility. As the number of representations of GLB individuals has increased, it seems likely that relative invisibility is currently a more common experience for GLB individuals, whereas absolute invisibility may have been more common in earlier decades, when depictions of GLB individuals in the media were scarce.

Although invisibility may have harmful consequences for GLB individuals, both Bringaze and White (2001) and Nauta et al. (2001) established that role models, including media role models, may be important resources for GLB individuals. However, it is not yet known how the media influences GLB identity specifically. As such, the purpose of Study 2 was to further explore the influence of media role models on GLB identity. In order to study this relationship, 15 GLB men and women were interviewed about their coming-out process, their identities, and the media. Generally speaking, Study 2 sought to uncover the primary ways in which the media influences GLB identity. This study was intended to expand upon the findings of Study 1 in a richer, more thorough manner by allowing participants to provide elaborate responses to the interview questions and to generate their own avenues of thought.

Method

Participants

Fifteen participants (6 women and 9 men) were interviewed for the second study in 2006 in Austin, Texas. The sample was 80% White and 20% Hispanic American, and participants ranged in age from 23 to 50 (M = 33.7, SD = 9.1). Although the majority (93.3%) of participants classified themselves as homosexual, 6.7% of participants classified themselves as bisexual. Participants were primarily recruited through personal contacts and through snowball sampling, in which participants provided additional contacts who were recruited for the interviews. Participation was voluntary, although respondents did receive a small monetary gift as compensation for their time.

Measures

Participants were first asked to complete a one-page questionnaire, which included demographic information, questions about participants' media consumption, and questions about participants' involvement in the GLB community. The questions about participants' community involvement were part of a separate study and, thus, are not discussed further. To maintain their confidentiality, participants generated a six-digit code number consisting of their mothers' birth month, their fathers' birth month, and their own birth month (e.g., 10/07/05). Interviews were labeled with this number in order to link them to participants' surveys. Next, participants were asked to indicate their age, gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation, which was measured using the 7-point modified Kinsey scale (Kinsey et al., 1948) from Study 1.

The interviews ranged in length from 20 minutes to 1 hour and 27 minutes (M = 32 minutes) and were recorded with an Olympus WS-100 digital recorder. In the first portion of the interview, participants were asked to discuss their coming-out process and the forms of media that were important to them during this time. Next, participants were asked more specific questions about the media's relationship to their identity (e.g., “In terms of media figures, who do you think has influenced your life the most positively?”). The final portion of the interview consisted of more general questions about the representation of GLB individuals in the media (e.g., “Tell me about how the influence of the media has changed over time for you personally.”). Finally, participants were asked if they would like to elaborate further on the topic (see Appendix for the full interview guide).

Procedure

Participants were interviewed in a private, quiet location of their choosing. Prior to the beginning of the interview, they were asked to sign a consent form explaining the purpose of the study and their rights, which included the rights to leave the study at any time as well as to decline to answer any questions during the interview. They were told that the purpose of the study was to examine GLB individuals' experiences with the media in terms of coming out, the GLB community, and their identity. After giving their consent, participants completed the supplemental questionnaire and generated their code numbers. After participants indicated that they were ready to begin, the interviewer began recording and interviewing participants. For the most part, the interviewer adhered to the interview guide. However, when appropriate, the interviewer deviated from the guide in order to facilitate more elaboration on the part of participants or to explore avenues of thought generated by participants. After participants had answered all of the interview questions and indicated that they had no further comments to add, the recorder was turned off and the interview was completed.

Data analysis and coding

The data generated from the interviews were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis (see Braun & Clarke, 2006), in which the interview transcripts were marked with notes about the themes that appeared in response to the interview questions. After making notes on the transcripts, the researcher analyzed the responses to several questions from the interview guide that appeared to capture the general overall themes of the interviews. Next, the researcher wrote memos about the responses to each question in which she categorized the responses into themes, interpreted the themes, and provided illustrative quotes for each theme. After analyzing the memos as a whole, the researcher developed an explanation of the pattern of results, and continued to refine the thematic map as themes were identified.

To establish interrater reliability, a second independent coder assigned codes to the set of responses. Agreement between coders was high, with a Cohen's kappa of .90. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion, and when agreement could not be reached, discrepancies were resolved by alternating between raters' assigned codes in a randomized fashion until complete agreement was reached.

Results and Discussion

A prominent theme that emerged from respondents' interviews was the importance of media role models to their identities. For some participants, their most important role models were GLB individuals in the media, whereas others named non-GLB media figures who were outsiders or who were strong, admirable individuals. Moreover, respondents discussed the influence of these role models on their identity, which included being an inspiration or fostering a sense of pride, being a source of comfort, and making respondents feel more positively about their GLB identities. In contrast to these positive effects, participants also discussed the negative impact of the limited and stereotypical representation of GLB individuals in the media, which they reported made them feel excluded from society and limited their identity expression.

Positive identity influences

Inspiring pride

Many respondents (n = 8) described their role models in terms of their positive characteristics. For example, Dave ¹ (40, Hispanic American, gay) described his admiration of openly gay former Texas State Representative Glen Maxey in terms of “the fire in his eyes and the passion in his eyes” and Alejandro (23, Latino, gay) recalled Univision news anchor Jorge Ramos as “very attractive, very successful, spoke very fluently and very eloquently.” In turn, the positive characteristics of their role models affected participants in different ways. Alejandro and other participants specifically remembered wanting to emulate their role models. For example, when describing her childhood role model, Superman, Steph (29, White, lesbian) explained that “I thought I had a huge crush on him, but it turns out I wanted to be him, so yeah, that was pretty influential because for awhile there I thought I could fly.” Other respondents also emphasized how their role models served as sources of strength, particularly in regard to their GLB identity. For example, Megan (23, White, lesbian), as well as other respondents, cited Ellen DeGeneres as a positive influence on her life and said, “I got some strength from seeing what she was able to do.” Thus, we see evidence of two types of identification with media role models in participants' responses. Steph's response appears more consistent with wishful identification, whereas Megan's appears more consistent with similarity identification, suggesting that both types may be influential to GLB identity (Feilitzen & Linne, 1975). However, future research is needed to clarify how these two types of identification operate among GLB individuals. As a whole, these findings indicate that positive media role models influenced many respondents' identities by being admirable figures who some participants emulated and who provided strength for other participants.

These findings are also consistent with those of Lockwood and Kunda (1997), who demonstrated that inspiration is an important function of role models when individuals perceive themselves to be similar to their role models. Indeed, participants in the current study typically named GLB media figures as their role models, and if they did not name GLB role models, they often named role models with whom they otherwise identified, suggesting that GLB individuals may be inspired by role models who they perceive to be similar to themselves. Many participants also discussed specifically trying to emulate their role models, particularly as children and adolescents. This finding is consistent with research demonstrating that children, adolescents, and young adults often emulate their favorite media figures as well as adopt the media figures' values and personality characteristics (Boon & Lomore, 2001; Matthews, 2003).

Taking comfort

In addition to discussing how their role models functioned as general sources of pride and inspiration, respondents also discussed how these role models influenced their identity development and coming-out process specifically. One way in which respondents' role models and other GLB media figures affected these processes was by serving as sources of comfort for respondents (n = 5). Interestingly, GLB media figures had this effect even when the GLB characters were not portrayed in a positive light. For example, the first memory of any gay presence in the media for Brian (31, White, gay) was his exposure to anti-gay religious tracts. However, he said that “even though it was like really negative—it was a really negative little pamphlet—it was comforting.” Indeed, it appears that for some participants, any GLB presence in the media was comforting. In the words of Mary (51, White, lesbian):

While you're thrashing around trying to figure out who you are, that's the only real access you've got to what it means to be gay. You read anything you can get your paws on, you watch whatever gay movies are out there. I guess it's a good way of trying to figure out what the heck it means to be different, and what does it look like? And it's nice to know you're not the only one in the universe.

In short, GLB media figures shaped Mary's identity by providing examples of what GLB people look and act like, and such examples were a source of comfort to her while she was developing her lesbian identity. These comments are also consistent with the notion that the way individuals experience the media is largely a matter of interpretation, and thus even negative portrayals of one's group can be experienced positively (Dyer, 2000).

Other respondents also discussed the comfort they took in positive GLB role models. For example, both Michelle (28, White, bisexual) and Carol (43, White, lesbian) remembered Ellen DeGeneres' well publicized coming out as a source of comfort to them during their own coming-out process. As Michelle put it, “it really made me feel like it was okay to be gay and that it was okay for me to be whoever I wanted to be.” Thus, Michelle felt validated by Ellen's coming out. In a similar vein, Carol said that:

When I started finding out that [Ellen] was a lesbian and she was going to be coming out on her show, I mean all these feelings erupted inside. I mean I was just kind of—this is a woman who is very accepted on television and in the world and she's going to take this step, and I felt like I was going to have to do that at one point or another...That definitely paved the way for me.

Because of Ellen, Carol felt that eventually she would also have to come out, and she used Ellen as a source of guidance during this time.

Although GLB media figures served an important function as role models for many of the participants, other participants were not exposed to GLB individuals in the media due to the scarcity of GLB representation. As a result, these participants sought role models with whom they could identify in other ways and used these role models as sources of comfort. For example, participants reported identifying with media figures who were outsiders and who, like them, differed from existing norms. Brian discussed the importance of comic book characters to his identity as a child:

The whole character arc in the X-Men—and it has become even more so—was that they were mutants and they were apart from everyone else. And that was somehow comforting in this whole struggle when I felt different from everybody else. It was comforting during those ages … It's—because there weren't many—I mean there really wasn't when I was growing up—and I grew up in a really small town—well, at least at that point, I was in a small town. And there really wasn't anything, you know, I think that I could recognize myself in. And I think mutant maybe was as close as I could get.

Although the characters in the X-Men series were not openly GLB, Brian identified with them due to the parallels between their experience as outcasts from society and his experience as a gay person who was not accepted by society. These similarities comforted Brian and made him feel more accepted despite being different from his peers. Brian's interpretation of the “straight” characters in the X-Men series seems to belong to the tradition of “queer” or outsider readings of texts that many marginalized groups have adopted (see Farmer, 2000; Sinfield, 1994). Because the majority of media representations are of mainstream demographic groups, marginalized groups often interpret these representations in an “against the grain” fashion, such as reading heterosexual texts as if they were intended for a homosexual audience (Gross, 2001). It appears that in Brian's case, appropriating a straight text in such a manner allowed him to affirm his own identity and find comfort.

The use of media figures as a source of comfort is also consistent with previous research demonstrating that individuals with low self-esteem, low levels of security and closeness, and low levels of family satisfaction tend to affiliate with celebrities to a greater extent (Cheng, 1997; Duck, 1990; Giles & Maltby, 2004). Given GLB individuals' marginalized status, such individuals may be more likely to have stronger attachments to celebrities, just as individuals with low self-esteem are more likely to have stronger attachments to celebrities (Cheng, 1997). The possibility that GLB individuals may develop stronger attachments to media figures due to their marginalized status in society should be explored in future research.

Viewing GLB identity more positively

Beyond making participants feel comforted, GLB role models in the media made participants feel as though it was acceptable to be GLB and helped participants view their identity more positively (n = 4). In essence, seeing GLB individuals in the media normalized these participants' own GLB identities and made them feel more socially acceptable. For example, Megan said that the media influenced her coming-out process in the following way:

I didn't feel like I was weird or abnormal. I felt like I had enough positive, I guess, role models in the media that I didn't, you know, I didn't feel like it wasn't something I could express or that it was a negative thing.

The presence of positive GLB role models in the media normalized Megan's lesbian identity and helped her view her identity positively rather than negatively.

In a broader sense, seeing others' acceptance of GLB individuals in the media made participants feel like others' reception of them would be more tolerant than hostile. For example, Ted (24, White, gay) discussed how Will and Grace made him feel that his gay identity was more socially acceptable.

I had never really been around gay people then, and so seeing like straight people all over thinking that show was funny was really helpful in terms of like that they weren't freaked out by it. So I was like, oh well, if they can deal with a sitcom where people are unapologetically gay, then that's a good sign and that calms me a little.

To summarize, Ted used others' reactions to Will and Grace as a gauge of how they would react to his own sexuality. The popularity and acceptance of the show made him feel less threatened by the possibility of hostility toward him on the basis of his homosexuality.

These effects on participants' positive self-views may be analogous to the effects of role models on individuals' self-concepts found in other research (Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996, Wohlford et al., 2004) and as such provide support for the possibility that exposure to positive GLB role models may enhance the self-views of GLB individuals. This contention is supported by the fact that participants in the current study reported that their GLB role models inspired pride in their identities and enabled them to view their identities more positively.

Negative effects of the lack of role models

Although respondents discussed several benefits of having role models in the media, the availability of GLB role models in the media has historically been very limited (see Gross, 1994, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987). Therefore, it is not surprising that respondents also discussed how the absence of identifiable figures in the media affected them (n = 4). The prevailing sentiment in these discussions was a sense of being excluded from traditional society. For example, both Rick (38, White, gay) and Megan recalled seeing depictions of traditional families in the media that did not include GLB individuals. Rick said, “I remember being really struck by that as like, I'm not included in that,” and Megan said that “I can see that it kind of was challenging my life versus what traditional life was, you know, there was a difference from early on.” Media depictions such as these made both Rick and Megan feel excluded from traditional families on the basis of their GLB identities. These feelings are not uncommon for GLB individuals, who often create kinship networks of friends, lovers, children, and other family members as a result of their legal and social exclusion from so-called traditional families (see Weeks, Heaphy, & Donovan, 2001, and Weston, 1991).

Participants also discussed the damaging effects of the general absence of GLB individuals in the media. For example, Rick discussed the lack of GLB themes in popular music:

I mean, like, how many songs do I hear on the radio that are love songs that pair a guy and a guy or a woman and a woman, for that matter? It's just, like, it's the absence that is so—that can be so damaging, I think.

Michelle revealed similar feelings in her ambivalence concerning women's magazines:

The women's magazines are really frustrating because I don't see myself in them at all, and I love magazines. Like I'm such a fiend about like fashion and women's magazines, but you don't see any discussion of lesbians in there.

In essence, both Rick and Michelle felt excluded from their favorite forms of media due to their sexual identities, which adversely affected them.

Not surprisingly, just as the absence of GLB figures in the media had adverse consequences for many respondents, so did the negative portrayals of GLB individuals in the media. For example, Brian discussed feeling limited in the expression of his gay identity as a result of the stereotypical portrayals of gay men in the media.

Just everything was so, so negative. And it gets you sort of warped when you're young—about what the gay lifestyle is, about promiscuity and drugs and maybe the flamboyantness, rather than possibility. It really seemed to limit the possibility with—you know, being gay—how my life could be.

Thus, the media's negative depiction of gay lifestyles made Brian feel at the time that he was not able to deviate from these stereotypes in terms of his personal expression of his identity. As the above findings make clear, both absolute and relative invisibility (Fryberg & Townsend, 2008) can exert harmful psychological effects on GLB individuals, including making them feel less valuable as members of society and limiting their identity expression. Due to the more pervasive absence of GLB representation in the media in past decades (Gross, 1994; Gross, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987), older GLB individuals may have been more affected by absolute invisibility, whereas younger GLB individuals, who may have been exposed to more representations of GLB individuals in the media, may be more influenced by relative invisibility. However, future research is needed to explore the effects of both types of invisibility on GLB individuals.

The negative influence of the media on participants' identities appears to have been related to the lack of GLB role models in the media. As a whole, the results from Study 2 strongly suggest that role models are important to the identities of GLB individuals. In particular, our findings indicate that media role models foster pride in GLB individuals' identities, provide a source of comfort, and help them view their identities more positively. On the other hand, the media also appears to negatively affect GLB individuals by causing them to feel excluded from society and to feel limited in their expressions of their GLB identities.

GENERAL DISCUSSION

One of the most significant contributions of the current research is its original exploration of the influence of media role models on GLB identity using both a quantitative format and a richer, qualitative approach. Importantly, the participants in these studies provided valuable insights that have not appeared elsewhere in the empirical literature. The significance and validity of the findings are supported by the fact that role models were discussed by almost all of the participants in Study 2, regardless of their age, gender, or background.

Although the exploratory nature of Studies 1 and 2 revealed valuable findings about this relatively unexplored topic, the nature of the studies also contributes to their limitations. In particular, an important limitation of the present research is that causality cannot be inferred from the findings. Therefore, it cannot be definitively concluded from our findings that positive role models influence GLB identity. In other words, it is possible that GLB individuals with positive, fully developed identities may be more likely to seek out role models in the media. Nonetheless, other research has experimentally established that role models do exert a positive influence on individuals (see Ochman, 1996), which lends credence to our argument that media role models foster positive identity in GLB participants. Future research on this topic should attempt to substantiate the findings of the present study with experimental evidence. For instance, experimental studies could expose GLB individuals to media depicting either GLB or heterosexual role models and subsequently evaluate changes in participants' self-concepts after exposure to both types of role models to determine more conclusively whether positive GLB role models enhance GLB individuals' sense of self-worth.

Another limitation of the current research is that the two samples of participants may not be representative of the GLB population as a whole. Specifically, the samples may have been less diverse than the general GLB population in terms of participants' ethnicity and participants' level of comfort with their identities or knowledge about the representation of GLB individuals in the media. In addition, both studies were conducted in Austin, Texas, a relatively GLB-friendly city. GLB individuals from other cities and countries may have had different experiences with the media. Thus, future research on the topic of GLB identity and the media will need to utilize more representative samples in order to ascertain the influence of role models on the identities of other GLB populations.

Although these limitations present difficulties in terms of generalizing and generating causal explanations of the findings, they do not undermine the contribution of the present study to the understanding of the media's influence on GLB identity. Indeed, several implications emerged from the findings of the two studies. First, there clearly exists a relationship between the media and GLB identity, making it imperative that GLB media sources consider the messages they convey to their audience. For example, many participants in both studies complained about stereotypical characters and negative portrayals, even in shows specifically targeted toward a GLB audience, such as Queer as Folk. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that decreasing stereotypical portrayals of GLB characters in the media would benefit GLB individuals by potentially expanding the possibilities for GLB identity beyond the “sissy” and “dyke” archetypes that the media so frequently offers (Russo, 1987).

Our findings also indicate that role models such as Ellen DeGeneres are crucial influences on GLB identity. Indeed, both studies suggested that Ellen DeGeneres has been one of the most influential lesbian role models in the media. This information presents a contrast to some criticisms that Ellen DeGeneres's coming out was not sufficiently political and did little to subvert traditional norms for representing GLB characters in the media (see Dow, 2001, and Hubert, 1999, for discussions). In fact, Ellen was spontaneously mentioned by many participants in both studies, clearly designating her as an influential figure in the GLB community. One participant in Study 1 described her as “a role model and good example but also [a] creative human being,” and another participant said that she “gave the strength to say I am gay and it's ok.” Perhaps one of the reasons Ellen was so influential is because her show was one of the first to openly explore the issues and difficulties surrounding coming out (Ryan & Boxer, 1998). In addition, she and her popular television character both came out simultaneously, increasing GLB visibility both on television and in the media at large (see Gross, 2001, and Tracy, 2000). Although her decision was primarily personal, it became a highly influential political moment in Western culture. As Ryan and Boxer noted, her show inspired many GLB individuals to seek therapy for their coming out difficulties, and many others followed Ellen's example and came out to their friends and family.

The apparent importance of GLB role models such as Ellen suggests that the availability of positive GLB role models in the media should increase in order to better meet the needs of GLB individuals. Consistent with this notion, Bringaze and White's (2001) findings that successful lesbian leaders believed that positive role models aided them in their coming-out process implies that having positive role models may enhance GLB individuals' potential to achieve a fully realized identity and to become leaders in their community. As the present research suggests, featuring positive depictions of GLB individuals in the media may enhance GLB individuals' sense of self-worth and may ultimately inspire them to become successful leaders.

Another potential benefit of increasing positive role models in the media is that it may also alleviate some of the psychological difficulties that many GLB individuals experience, such as low self-esteem (Frable, Wortman, & Joseph, 1997). Given the substantial amount of evidence suggesting that positive role models enhance individuals' self-esteem (Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004), it seems plausible that increasing the representation of positive GLB media figures may also increase GLB individuals' self-esteem. However, the media is clearly not the sole cause of the psychological difficulties of GLB individuals. As Frable et al. (1997) demonstrated, gay men with a high degree of stigmatization from their families tend to have low self-esteem, which is likely to also be true for lesbian and bisexual individuals. Thus, societal prejudice against GLB individuals needs to also be substantially decreased in order to allow GLB individuals a greater opportunity to achieve healthy functioning. Based on findings that exposure to negative portrayals of GLB individuals can cause heterosexuals to espouse relatively lasting negative attitudes toward this group whereas exposure to positive portrayals of GLB individuals can cause heterosexuals to espouse more positive attitudes toward this group (Levina, Waldo, & Fitzgerald, 2000; Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005), it could be argued that increasing the positive representation of GLB media figures may be an important first step toward reducing societal prejudice against the GLB community.

In closing, the studies presented here were some of the first to use both quantitative and qualitative approaches to explore the relationship between the media and GLB identity. Study 1 revealed some of the different ways in which GLB men and women utilize the media to shape their identities, particularly during important processes such as realizing their GLB identity and coming out to others. Study 1 also investigated GLB individuals' criticisms and desires concerning the media's representation of the GLB population, as well as the positive aspects of the media, including its ability to supply GLB role models. Using a qualitative approach, Study 2 explored the findings from Study 1 in more depth and illuminated some of the ways in which media role models influence the realization, development, and expression of GLB identity. As previously discussed, both studies provide guidance for the media in terms of changing its portrayal of the GLB population to be more representative and less stereotyped and damaging. These changes may lead the media further away from the “sissy” and “dyke” archetypes toward new archetypes resembling positive role models such as Ellen DeGeneres and may be an important step in reducing societal prejudice and discrimination toward this group of people.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Dr. Sandi Nenga, Dr. Jacqueline Muir-Broaddus, Abigail Riggs, Ryan Giuliano, Jason Dolloff, and Travis Norton for their contributions to the article.

Notes

Sarah C. Gomillion is currently affiliated with the Department of Psychology, University at Buffalo, State University of New York.

1. Participants' names have been changed to protect their confidentiality.

APPENDIX

Interview Guide

Table

First, I'm going to ask some questions about your identity in general.
GLB Identity
•	Tell me about your coming-out story. Probe about self-realization process if not mentioned.
•	What role did the media—and by media I mean TV, movies, the Internet, books, magazines, etc. - play in your coming-out process? Were there other forms of media that were important to you at this time?
Alright, now I'm going to switch gears a bit and ask some more specific questions about the media in relation to your identity.
The Media and Identity
•	In terms of your exposure to the media, was there a specific portrayal, story, image, etc. that you remember being particularly influential to your identity while you were growing up? Tell me about it. Could be GLB or not
•	Do you prefer mainstream or alternative media sources? Tell me about some of your favorite media sources. If they talk about media sources growing up: What about your favorite media sources now?
•	In terms of media figures, who do you think has influenced your life the most positively? Negatively? Why (if not explained)?
•	Overall, do you think the media has had a positive or negative effect on your life?
Now I want to talk about your relationship with the GLB community.
The Media and the GLB Community
•	Do you participate in the GLB community? How do you participate? How often?
•	Has the media played a role your participation in the GLB community? How so?
•	Tell about the relationship between the media and the GLB community? Do you think the GLB community regards the media as a positive or negative influence on the community? Why? Do you feel the same way?
•	How do you think “mainstream” culture perceives portrayals of GLB individuals in the media?
•	Tell me about a memorable time that you talked about a GLB media figure with others. What happened? How did you react?
I'm going to switch gears again and ask some more general questions about the media.
Opinions on the portrayal of GLB individuals in the media
•	What would you like to see more of in the media in terms of GLB portrayals?
•	Now I'm going to ask about how you think the media portrays specific GLB subgroups: Tell me about how you think the media portrays gay men. Lesbians? Bisexual men and women? Older vs. younger gay men and lesbians? Which group is portrayed most positively? Negatively? Are there any other differences that you've noticed in the portrayals of these groups?
•	What differences have you noticed in the way that different media sources, like TV, movies, the Internet, the news, portray gays and lesbians?
•	Tell me about some differences you have noticed in portrayals of gays and lesbians in the media over time. How were gays and lesbians portrayed differently when you were younger?
•	How do you think the current generation of GLB teenagers will be affected by the media? Do you think this influence will change in the future?
•	I know we've talked about this before, but I want to ask again to make sure I've heard everything you have to say. Tell me about how the influence of the media has changed over time for you personally.
•	Is there anything else about this topic that you want to add?