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ABSTRACT
This paper looks at the terms and conditions of acceptance for queer and trans Muslims in dominant Muslim groups. The social tension between LGBTQ Identity and religion is explored through ethnographic research with “hybrid” LGBTQ Muslim organizations and “non-hybrid” Muslim ones in Toronto, Canada. The study draws on forty-seven in-depth interviews conducted with leaders of both hybrid groups and non-hybrid ones, in order to explore (1) what the acceptance of LGBTQ Muslims constitutes, (2) whether acceptance is acquired/conferred, and (3) whether religion prevents acceptance. I measure degrees of acceptance by comparing non-hybrid interviewee responses to characteristics that constitute ideal types of “acceptance” and “non-acceptance.” Responses are weighed against interviews with hybrid group leaders as well as participant-observation data. Results show a range of four acceptance levels for non-hybrid Muslim groups. The data also show that religious belief alone does not explain or account for acceptance.
Acknowledgments
I am particularly grateful to Eran Shor, for having taught me to translate ideas into publications. The generous and constructive suggestions of Matthew Lange, Axel van den berg, and Barry Eidlin are also greatly appreciated. My special thanks are extended to my colleagues Afshan Golriz, Skye Miner, and Madeleine Henderson, for those second pair of eyes we all so desperately need. A final note of gratitude to my parents and husband: for your unwavering support.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1. This paper alternates between the terms LG, LGB, LGBT, LGBTQ+ and LGBTQ. In cases where the T or Q are absent, the research has excluded this population from the research. At times, “queer and trans” is used interchangeably with LGBTQ+: queer is used more broadly as an umbrella category of sexually diverse identities and trans is used to refer to those who feel that their bodies or their medically/socially ascribed sex does not align with their gender identity. I separate queer from trans as recognition of the distinctiveness of trans lived experiences from queer ones.
2. Here, religion was measured both by affiliation, religiosity and by country/cultural tradition.
3. Notably, the opposite finding has been outlined by the popular press in the United States. Drawing on Pew research, Kuruvilla (Citation2017) showed that Muslims are more accepting of homosexuality than white evangelicals. The author speculated that perhaps due to their own marginalized positions, Muslims might be more sympathetic to homosexuals’ experiences of discrimination.
4. Some Muslim scholars interpret the Qur’anic passages involving the prophet Lut/Lot as a condemnation of homosexuality. They claim that the disregard for Lut’s warnings against sodomy resulted in the annihilation of the majority of population through a “shower (of brimstone)” (see Siraj, Citation2009 for a detailed explanation). This interpretation is, however, contested by other Muslim scholars and Imams (see, for Kugle, Citation2010, Citation2014; Siraj, Citation2016, Citation2017).
5. It is important to note that while some regard LGBTQ identities as being explicitly Western, LGBTQ Muslim lived experiences do not necessarily fit into binary categorizations of being either Western or non-Western. Many scholars have shown that such experiences are idiosyncratic and intersectional (Bereket & Adam, Citation2006; Habib, Citation2010; Rahman, Citation2010).
6. Leader refers to those who hold crucial roles in the organizations or whose impact has been instrumental. In this paper, the term “leader” and “organizer” are used interchangeably.
7. In order to respect the confidentiality of each organization, identifying details have been concealed for this study and all individuals have been given pseudonyms.
8. Non-binary refers to individuals who identify as being neither male nor female.
9. The sample is comprised of more women than men due to availability and the fact that in the student groups, mostly women held higher positions.
10. This vignette was introduced in phases. Some practices that are associated with homosexuality in Western culture (such as two men kissing on the cheek or holding hands) are considered homosocial rather than homosexual practices amongst Muslim/Arab men. As such, I first depicted the scenario as two men holding hands and secondly introduced the kissing component. I did not specify the type of kiss that the men shared in order to gauge a wider range of responses. Moreover, I combined the acts of holding hands and kissing with the idea that the two men were well known LGBTQ activists, adding a specific homosexual character to their interaction.
11. Isma’ili groups seldom allow any non-Isma’ili members in their space. This often includes family members or spouses who are not-Isma’ili. As a result, direct participant observation was not possible with such groups.