The continuation of perceived deviance: independent confessional schools in Sweden 1795–2019

ABSTRACT

This article aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion on public religion by describing how independent confessional schools were established in Sweden (1795–2019) and by clarifying and deconstructing the dominant ideals that underpin school policy initiatives concerning religion, education, and independent confessional schools. I seek to answer the question: In what way do independent confessional schools appear problematic in relation to general school policy during the period 1795–2019? Employing both descriptive quantitative analysis using register data on independent confessional schools and critical policy analysis inspired by Bacchi’s WPR-approach (‘What’s the Problem Represented to Be’), this study shows that (1) independent confessional schools are not a new or growing phenomenon in Sweden and (2) throughout this study’s focal period, regardless of whether a religious or secular foundation was ascribed to Sweden’s public school system, independent confessional schools were perceived to deviate from public schools’ principal values.

KEYWORDS:

• Confessional schools
• public religion
• religious diversity
• Sweden

Introduction

In the past three decades, Sweden has become increasingly religiously diverse, mainly due to immigration. Today, an increasing number of people either belong to religious groups other than the Church of Sweden or are unaffiliated with a particular religion (Erika and Stockman 2020). This novel diversity has arguably boosted the visibility of both new and old religious groups in the public sphere (Sigurdson 2009). Moreover, as religious diversity increases, new conflicts concerning the role of religion materialise and old conflicts re-emerge in new forms. One prominent example of a much-debated issue in Sweden regarding public religion is the continued existence of independent confessional schools. These schools constitute a public religious phenomenon that is maintained by public policy and dependent on political decision-making (Henrekson et al. 2020; Lövheim 2019).

Despite their small share of Swedish students (in total, 10,690 students, or approximately one percent of primary school students in 2019), over the last 30 years independent confessional schools have been the subject of a heated debate in the Swedish media (Qvarsebo and Wenell 2018). In fact, according to Lövheim (2019), during 1988–2018, independent confessional schools were the most discussed subject in the media on the public role of religion. Moreover, in response to growing concerns regarding independent confessional schools, a recent government report proposed a temporary ban on the establishment of new independent confessional schools (SOU 2019:64). Accordingly, by describing and reconsidering the contemporary and historical conditions of the 65 active independent confessional schools in Sweden, this article aims to contribute to the literature on public religion.

Research on independent confessional schools in Sweden remains scarce. Extant studies have investigated how independent confessional schools are portrayed in the media, highlighting that the media depicts these schools as a recent, rapidly growing phenomenon that is associated with social problems (Von Essen 2020; Lövheim 2019; Qvarsebo 2013; Qvarsebo and Wenell 2018). Religious education has been analysed by Berglund (2009) and Brattlund (2009) via a specific focus on independent Muslim confessional schools. Thus, although previous studies discuss how specific congregations operate schools (e.g. Tegborg 1969; Werner 2004; Berglund and Larsson 2007; Berglund 2014), few, if any, have attempted to systematically analyse the phenomenon of independent confessional schools in Sweden from a policy-oriented historical perspective.

In this article, I describe the actual establishment of independent confessional schools as well as clarify and deconstruct the dominant ideals, ideological perspectives, and problem formulations that have underpinned Swedish policy initiatives regarding religion, education, and independent confessional schools. My policy analysis is influenced by Bacchi’s (2009) ‘What’s the Problem Represented to Be?’ (WPR) approach, which enables me to critically deconstruct the explicit and implicit problem formulations in the salient policies and political-decision making. Specifically, I seek to answer the following question: In what way do independent confessional schools appear problematic in relation to general school policy during the period 1795–2019? I selected 1795 as the initial year for this analysis because it was when the first still active independent confessional school was established in Sweden.

The article is structured in a data-driven manner. Accordingly, it begins with a description of its methods and materials, and then it presents the results of the quantitative analysis. In the following section, I use these results to identify a relevant time period for a historical analysis. Finally, I synthesise the two latter parts in the concluding discussion.

Methods and materials

Two types of data are used: (1) quantitative data on the establishment (1795–2019) and religious traditions of the independent confessional schools that are currently operating within the Swedish education system and (2) school policy initiatives, policy documents and scholarly literature regarding religion, education, and independent confessional schools.

The independent confessional schools’ years of establishment, religious tradition, and size

Descriptive statistical analysis was performed on nationally representative data regarding the independent confessional schools active in 2019. These data were sourced from the Swedish National Agency of Education (SNAE) register, which classifies schools as either confessional or nonconfessional. The independent confessional school data were supplemented with data on two Jewish schools that were previously categorised as confessional. Two schools were removed because their student counts were zero. Hence, the total number of schools included in the analysis is 65.

Using the websites of all independent confessional schools and governmental documents (e.g. from the Swedish School Inspectorate), each school’s year of establishment, religious orientation, and student count was added to the dataset.

School policy over time

The historical analysis of the evolution of school policy is based on texts that were obtained as follows: Key scholarly texts (Algotsson 1975; Berglund and Larsson 2007; Boucher 1982; Kittelmann Flensner 2015; Richardson 1999; Sejersted 2005; Tegborg 1969, 2001) were identified, and their reference lists were used to identify additional texts, including research and government documents such as school acts, curricula, state investigations, and parliamentary proposals.

To analyse policy development and texts related to political decision-making, a variety of different approaches are available, such as critical discourse analysis (e.g. Fairclough 1992; Parker 1992) or content analysis (Krippendorff 2018). Content analysis has commonly been applied in previous studies within sociology of religion (e.g. Lindberg 2018). However, in this study, I use sociologist Carol Bacchi’s (2009) poststructural WPR approach. The WPR approach can be described as an epistemological outlook to the interpretation of policy rather than a step-by-step guide to the analytical procedure (Bacchi and Goodwin 2016). Given my sources for the policy analysis, the WPR approach facilitates a systematic critical analysis of numerous texts and perspectives on school policy, which covers a substantial time period.

According to the WPR approach, policy is not designed to address pre-existing problems. Instead, policy produces ‘problems’ by identifying specific kinds of problems (Bacchi 2009). Policy can thus be defined as a representation of the problem(s) that it is trying to solve. Accordingly, the WPR approach is designed to critically examine ‘’the unexamined ways of thinking’ on which policies rely, to put into question their underlying premises, to show that they have a history, and to insist on questioning their implications’ (Bacchi and Goodwin 2016, 16). This includes revealing whatever a specific policy has elided or omitted. The WPR approach was considered in relation to the general school policy of each subsequent time period that I present in the analysis. This facilitated a critical inquiry into how shifting dominant problem formulations (e.g. low education levels, a paternalistic church, inequality, stagnation, and homogeneity) impact how education policies are proposed and implemented. I also traced and analysed the historical roots of salient problem formulation which in turn enabled an investigation of how independent confessional schools have appeared problematic in relation to the shifts in dominant perceptions and policy.

Results of the quantitative analysis

Independent confessional schools – an old, largely Christian, and peripheral phenomenon

The quantitative mapping shows that the oldest independent confessional school that operates today is a Catholic school that was established in 1795. However, the majority of the currently active independent confessional schools were founded from 1980s and onwards. Only six schools (two Catholic schools, one Seventh-day Adventist school, one Jewish school, and two other Christian schools) started before 1980 (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Year of establishment for independent confessional schools at the primary school level.

Ten independent confessional schools opened in Sweden during the 1980s. From 1990 to 1999, 34 additional religious schools opened. After 1999, the entry rate of independent confessional schools fell. Thus, between 2000 and 2009, a mere 13 independent confessional schools opened, and from 2010 to 2019, only one new independent confessional school was founded.

Today, independent confessional schools enrol approximately one percent of the total Swedish student body. Regarding these 65 schools, 53 have a Christian orientation (82%), ten have a Muslim orientation (15%), and two have a Jewish orientation. Christian schools have typically been started by Protestant free churches¹ of the Swedish Word of Faith Movement, the Swedish Pentecostal Movement, or other Evangelical churches. As Table 1 shows, independent confessional schools classified as free churches constitute almost half (n =  31) of the total population. Approximately one quarter of the schools (n =  16) are Christian schools without a specified Christian denomination.

Table 1. Religious orientation for schools on the primary school level in 2019.

Orientation	1795–1979	1980–1999	2000–2020	Total	Share of schools	No. of students	Share of students	Share of all students
Christian without a specific orientation	1	13	2	16	25%	2,337	22%	0.21%
Free churches	1	24	6	31	48%	4,000	37%	0.37%
Catholic/Orthodox	2	2		4	6%	1,120	10%	0,10%
Church of Sweden	1		1	2	3%	398	4%	0,04%
Muslim		7	3	10	15%	2,534	24%	0,23%
Jewish	1		1	2	3%	301	3%	0,03%
Total	6	46	13	65	100%	10,690	100%	0.98%

Although the numbers of Catholic/Orthodox and Muslim schools are limited, they serve many students. Hence, 24% of the students attend Muslim schools, and ten percent attend Catholic/Orthodox schools.

Only two schools are affiliated with the Church of Sweden and two have a Jewish orientation. Muslim schools are a relatively new phenomenon; most started in the 1990s, but no Muslim school has been founded since 2004. In contrast, Catholic/Orthodox schools and schools associated with the Church of Sweden or Judaism were gradually founded over time. Sweden’s independent confessional schools thus primarily represent a range of Protestant traditions rather than changes in religious diversity stimulated by recent migration.

1795 to 2019 – a relevant time period for the analysis of dominant ideals

Qvarsebo (2013) describes independent confessional schools as a relatively new ‘problem’ in the Swedish school debates, a result of school choice reform in the early 1990s. He also suggests that the debates in the media regarding independent confessional schools have primarily stemmed from the tensions, conflicts, and fears that have been fostered by increasing religious pluralism (not least a growing Muslim population). At first glance, this suggestion seems reasonable given that the Church of Sweden has substantially diminished amid substantial migration to Sweden from Muslim majority countries. Until the 1990s, the Church of Sweden had a membership rate of over 90% of the Swedish population. In contrast, in 2019, approximately 60% of the population were members of the Church of Sweden; 12% belonged to a minority religion and 30% were unaffiliated, i.e. they did not belong to any church or religious community (Erika and Stockman 2020). According to recent estimates, 2.5–8% of the current Swedish population identifies as Muslims or comes from a Muslim family (PEW 2017; Sorgenfrei 2018; Erika and Stockman 2020). However, this study’s quantitative analysis shows that the oldest operating independent confessional school was founded in 1795 and that Muslim schools currently constitute a minority of the independent confessional schools. In seeking to understand the current debate as well as the historical conditions for independent confessional schools, these results justify a critical inquiry into how these schools have appeared problematic in relation to general school policy from the end of the 18^th century up until today.

Reconsidering policy development over time using Bacchi’s WPR approach

The hegemonic state church ambition during the formation of a national school system

Historically, the Church of Sweden taught the nation’s population reading and writing skills. According to the Lutheran tradition, every person should be able to read the gospels him- or herself to form a personal relationship with God. The Church Law of 1686, for example, stipulated that the parish priests were responsible for ensuring that every young person in their parish learned to read the gospels and other religious texts and that they acquired some basic writing skills (Sandberg 1979).

Based on the premise that education was the responsibility of the Church of Sweden, compulsory education was implemented through the 1842 Elementary School Act, which required all parishes to have at least one permanent or ambulatory school by 1847 (SFS 1842:19). The Lutheran interpretation of Christianity was considered the most important school subject; however, schools were also legally required to provide courses in reading, writing, church singing, and mathematics (Tegborg 2001). Hence, following Bacchi (2009), the ‘problem’ regarding school establishment can be described as an ambition to introduce universal and compulsory education to ameliorate the perceived low level of general education in Swedish society. Moreover, since individuals’ ability to read the Bible and other religious texts would promote their salvation according to the faith tradition of the Church of Sweden, improved education levels were deemed as a means of ensuring religious unity and compliance among the general population.

Although the parishes were responsible educating to a large proportion of the population in the second half of the 19^th century, the Swedish educational landscape was highly fragmented. There were several types of schools, public as well as private, operating in parallel to the education provided by the Church. Essentially, the school system was class-based, with the higher classes placing their children in private schools or state-run läroverken or simply home-schooling them (Richardson 1999). Moreover, there were already Catholic schools in operation, and some other schools run by free, primarily Baptists, churches. As discussed below, these schools can be considered the results of practical necessities that were caused by gaps in the elementary schooling system and the interests of representatives of certain social classes and religious groups.

In 1781, foreign Catholics residing in Sweden gained the right to retain their religious beliefs. However, they were allowed to settle only in larger cities, where they also began to open their own schools. One example illustrating the interaction between motivation based on social class and religious diversity for opening schools is the Sisters of Saint Joseph’s Catholic Schools in the Nordic Countries (Werner 2004). The majority of these schools’ students were Protestant children whose parents could afford to pay tuition fees, while tuition was waived for many Catholic children. These schools were particularly successful in Denmark, but Sweden’s more restrictive legislation on religion entailed that the public authorities could prevent Protestant children from attending Catholic schools and services. In 1860, Swedish citizens were granted the right to resign from the Lutheran Church, provided they joined another Christian faith community. Even so, because of restrictive laws and anti-Catholic campaigns, the Sisters of Saint Joseph’s Catholic School in Stockholm was forced to diminish its Catholic emphasis during the 1890s. The school thus became a nonconfessional high school for girls with an emphasis on French and the humanities which attracted students from wealthy families (ibid.).

In the second half of the 19^th century, three emergent social movements came to exert great influence on Swedish society: the free church movement, the labour movement, and the temperance movement. The free church movement was the first to materialise. Starting in the 1850s, though strong Lutheran dominance entailed that deviation from the Church of Sweden was punishable by a loss of inheritance and residence rights, Baptist and Methodist congregations were established across the country (Sandell 2001). The temperance movement then emerged in the late 1870s, seeking to combat excessive alcohol consumption, and was in part an extension of the free church movements. Last, the Social Democratic labour movement was consolidated when the Social Democratic Workers’ Party was established in 1889 (Boucher 1982). These three movements’ ‘shared interest was their fight against the poor social conditions that prevailed among ordinary people in Sweden at the time, and the links between the movements were both frequent and direct’ (Sandell 2001, 674).

During the 1850s, Baptist congregations began to open schools (Tegborg 1969). Although the public school system expanded rapidly during this period, many parishes did not have a school. In some parishes, therefore, a Baptist school was the only available option. At their peak in 1868, 3312 children attended Baptist schools across the country. According to Tegborg (1969), these Baptist schools were often perceived as a threat by local authorities. Prohibitions of the Baptist schools were common and a failure to comply could result in a fine or prison sentence. Moreover, it was hard to find suitable teachers since Baptists could not attend state-organised teacher training. As the public school system developed and the costs of running a school increased, many Baptist schools experienced financial difficulties. The courses in Christianity in the public schools also became less confessional over time. Hence, the combination of increasing financial, legal, and administrative difficulties for Baptist schools and the gradual deconfessionalisation of public schools resulted in the disappearance of the former.

In Sweden, universal and compulsory education was implemented in 1842 amid strong Lutheran hegemony, with the state church as the responsible authority. Independent confessional schools during this period were thus counteracted by a state and a state church eager to employ the Lutheran interpretation of Christianity to foster national and cultural cohesion. The independent confessional schools therefore appeared as problematic in relation to the objectives of the general school policy; they represented interpretations of Christianity that differed from Lutheranism. However, they were still partially tolerated in certain niches within the school system, i.e. among the relatively autonomous all-girls schools and in parishes where a Baptist school was the only available option.

School policy during the creation of the social democratic welfare state

Because the public elementary school system (folkskolan) was in principle confessional during its first 75 years, the independent schools operated by religious organisations became competitors in matters of religious faith, deviating in their religious creeds. However, during 1919–1962, religious beliefs and the value systems of the public schools were gradually separated and the responsibility for education was transferred from the Church of Sweden to secular authorities (Algotsson 1975; Richardson 1999).

Beginning in the 1880s, Social Democratic and liberal opinion leaders and politicians advocated the creation of a unified school system (enhetsskolan), where all children regardless of class, socioeconomic status, or geographic location, would receive a standard education. In 1897, the Social Democratic Workers’ Party formulated two specific goals regarding school policy: to encourage the development of citizenship education and to work for a complete separation of school and church (Boucher 1982). Following Social Democratic and liberal ideals, a unified school system would fulfil an integrational function, bridging the gaps between social classes (Lundahl 2005; Sejersted 2005). The confessional religious education in public schools that focused on catechism and biblical stories, was perceived by the Social Democrats, following Marxist political ideology, to be a manifestation of class oppression and as a means for the ruling classes to maintain their power. Moreover, the Social Democrats claimed that the confessional religious education inculcated children with dogmas that directly opposed science and rationality (Algotsson 1975). Hence, in Bacchi’s terms, new problems had been defined. There was, nevertheless, considerable opposition to the creation of a unified school system and to the separation between school and church, and this project was not completed until after World War II. However, from 1919 onwards, reforms that gradually abolished the class-based school system and liberated public education from Church control were implemented (Richardson 1999).

In 1919, considerable changes were made to the elementary school curriculum, redirecting its focus from Lutheran religious teachings to social studies, mathematics, and the Swedish language (Hartman 2007; UPL 1919). In the late 1920s, the incremental process of transferring the responsibility of education from parishes to local authorities began (Gustafsson 2003). This administrative shift started in larger cities before spreading to rural areas. From 1951, elementary school teachers were no longer obliged to be members of the Church of Sweden (Algotsson 1975).

In the post-war period, various welfare reforms were launched that aimed to create a more democratic and socially integrated society. The construction of a new school system was to be the crowning glory of the Social Democratic welfare state. Alongside the arguments for increased social egalitarianism and integration, the reformation of the school system would promote economic growth and productivity through the formation of ‘human capital’ (Boucher 1982; Sejersted 2005). The 1946 school commission established the basis for the implementation of a unified school system, resulting in a period of experimentation (SOU 1948:27). Thus, a unified school system was initiated in 14 municipalities in the 1949/1950 school year. In 1962, following a state investigation (SOU 1961:30), the implementation of a comprehensive school system (grundskolan) for the whole country was designated. This process was fully completed in 1972. Except for one notable exception, a Jewish school in Stockholm, independent confessional schools were not eligible for state funding in the new comprehensive school system (Borevi 2002).

The value system of the new comprehensive school system was described as secularised by policy-makers and the subject of Christianity was deemed deconfessionalised. The 1962 national curriculum (LGR 1962) emphasised the schools’ responsibility to foster students’ individual, societal and democratic values. Concerning students’ dignity and individuality, schools needed to encourage personal growth and independence, as well as the development of personal character, enabling students to become harmonious adults. The schools should also prepare students for a life of fellowship with others as respectable, democratic, and active citizens. Importantly, a common frame of reference was deemed crucial for social cohesion in light of Sweden’s increasing societal complexity.

New societal trends, increasing Social Democratic influences, and changing perceptions of religion’s role in society contributed to the increasing problematisation of the old school system that began in the 1880s forward. The strong state church influence on the previous school system came to be considered an archaic form of dogmatic paternalism that was no longer desirable. However, many of the topics that were previously taught via Christianity were reincorporated into the new value system and simply reformulated as secular rather than Christian (Kittelmann Flensner 2015). Thurfjell (2015), for example, has shown that in a textbook from 1957, Christianity was presented through twelve themes, including friendship and nature, of which only two would be classified as religious today. This development has been defined as a culturalisation of religion, which ‘may allow the majority religion a presence in places from which religion is banned or regarded with suspicion’ (Kühle et al. 2018, 123).

The independent confessional schools at the turn of the previous century had been perceived as problematic because they represented non-Lutheran interpretations of Christianity; now, they became problematic vis-à-vis a comprehensive school system that was founded on a secular value system. Lutheranism was no longer considered an important building block for social cohesion. The objective of the public schools to foster social cohesion, however, remained intact.

The shift towards new public management-inspired policies

It may be suggested that ‘unity’ and ‘equality’ were buzzwords regarding school policy during the early post-war period, they were eventually replaced by the discourse of ‘diversity’ and ‘freedom of choice’ in the 1970s and 1980s. Sejersted (2008) has argued that this shift constitutes a drastic shift in mentality, in sharp contrast to previously hegemonic Social Democratic motivations. Policy was deeply affected by this. Hence, in the 1980s and 1990s, Swedish welfare state policy, motivated by a combination of economic realities and an ideological shift, turned towards a market orientation that was inspired by new public management (NPM). According to NPM, a public sector should improve its efficiency by incorporating private sector management practices and by introducing more competition via market mechanisms (Hood 1991; Kaboolian 1998). In the Swedish context, this included decentralising the responsibility for education and other welfare services to municipalities and enabling market competition by opening up sections of welfare administration to private providers to compete for clients both among themselves and with public sector providers (Blomqvist 2004; Montin 1997).

Consequently, criticism was levelled against the comprehensive school system from across the liberal/conservative political spectrum and from the Social Democratic Party itself (Sejersted 2008). The two last decades of the 20^th century were thus characterised by the gradual liberalisation and privatisation of the education system, and, as a result, new opportunities for independent confessional schools arose.

In 1981, only seven of the then 35 active independent schools received state funding (including the Jewish school in Stockholm, but none of Sweden’s other nine independent confessional schools). The remaining 28 schools received municipal funding to various degrees. Schools that did not receive any state or municipal funding had to rely almost exclusively on student tuition; hence, these amounts were normally quite high (SOU 1981:34). A governmental investigation (SOU 1981:34) and a subsequent government bill (Prop. 1982/83:1) helped to foster the perception that independent schools could be a viable alternative or even a positive complement to the pedagogically homogenous public school system (Allelin 2019). A series of subsequent minor legislative changes during the 1980s and early 1990s (Prop. 1990/91:18) regarding the independent school approval and funding thus comprised the basis for the 1992 school choice reform.

The 1992 school choice reform was implemented by the then Centre/Right government and enabled students and parents to choose freely from public and independent schools (Prop. 1991/92:95). Its main source of inspiration was Milton Freidman’s idea of a voucher scheme, where a government provides vouchers to parents who can then use them to pay for the school of their choice (Friedman 1955; Wennström 2020). Accordingly, municipalities were obliged to fund all schools that were approved by the SNAE in their jurisdiction. Independent schools could be run by private for-profit companies, charitable foundations, non-profit organisations, cooperatives, or religious communities. Their funding was based on their number of students enrolled, and the amount of a voucher equalled the average cost of students in municipal schools. Additionally, in 1995, legislation was passed that prohibited independent schools that received public funding to charge tuition fees (Prop. 1995/96:200).

Although the school choice reform constituted a significant liberalisation of Sweden’s school system, researchers have pointed out that state control remains strong. For example, Madestam, Sundström, and Göran (2018, 132) state,

[I]n fact, private schools are in Sweden public in all dimensions of a public commitment except for ownership. Thus, responsibility for execution (utföraransvar), regulation, financing, and control are mainly all public activities, also for private schools. This means that private schools can be perceived as highly public, and therefore they have to adhere to the same set of core values as public schools.

Regular inspections are carried out by the Swedish School Inspectorate to ascertain whether schools adhere to the value system that is specified by the curriculum and to confirm that all students receive a satisfactory level of education.

In the decade following the 1992 school choice reform, the number of independent confessional schools more than tripled. As a result of the reform, independent confessional schools became part of the solution to the perceived problem of an expensive, overly homogenous, and stagnant school system. However, since all schools, both public and private, remain obliged to adhere to the core values specified by public authorities, the reform also facilitated increasing criticism and scrutiny of independent confessional schools perceived as deviating from those values.

Heated media debate and political consensus

Only two new independent confessional schools have opened since 2005, yet considerable criticism has been levelled against independent confessional schools in the media, spurred by reporting on various events taking place at such schools. In op-eds and editorials in leading Swedish newspapers, independent confessional schools are frequently portrayed as key examples of organisations that cause social problems such as segregation, intolerance, extremism, and religious fundamentalism. In these media debates, a fear of Islamism and terrorism related to growing immigration and apprehensions concerning a growing influence of religion on society outside of the private sphere, are the most pronounced features (Qvarsebo 2013).

An agreement signed between the Social Democrats, the Green Party, the Centre Party, and the Liberal Party after the 2018 election promised to temporarily ban the opening of new independent confessional schools until the government determined how to ensure that these schools adhere to the foundational values of Swedish society. A government report analysing this issue was then released in 2019 (SOU 2019:64). The report evaluates the rules governing religious aspects in the education system and presents a statuary proposal enabling the implementation of a temporary moratorium on establishing new independent confessional schools. The report also analyses the consequences of such a statutory change for the Swedish constitution, EU law, and Sweden’s international undertakings, as well as for existing independent confessional schools. Finally, this report was underpinned by a broad political consensus that presumes independent confessional schools may challenge Sweden’s basic values and democratic system.

Conclusion

This article shows that independent confessional schools are neither a contemporary nor a growing phenomenon. Although, religious diversity in Swedish society has increased considerably after the turn of the millennium, the entry rate of new independent confessional schools has not followed this trend.

The historical review demonstrates that the existence of independent confessional schools outside of the Lutheran state church has a long history in Swedish society, dating back to the late 18^th century. The historical review influenced by Bacchi’s (2009) WRP approach made clear that independent confessional schools have represented different challenges depending on the aims of the implemented school reforms (e.g. increasing education levels among the population, reducing class-differences, or cutting government costs while advocating individual choice). The few independent confessional schools that have survived through history have either been criticised and opposed by the state or simply ignored. This is true for the periods when the Church of Sweden had the main responsibility for the public school system and when a comprehensive school for all students was formed in the early post-war decades. It also remains true today, in the ongoing era of NPM-inspired policy.

According to Casanova (2014), the Nordic pattern of secularisation is characterised by an integration of state and church in the form of a state church, resulting in an idiosyncratic fusion between the religious and the secular. The connection between the Lutheran state church and the school sector has a long history in Sweden. It was not until the 1960s, after several decades of gradual separation of religious beliefs from the value systems of the schools, that schools were no longer obliged to inculcate students into the Lutheran interpretation of Christianity. Instead, a complex scheme was designed where confessional elements in education were prohibited. Meanwhile, however, a value system that still aligned with the Church of Sweden’s moral teachings, was applied to encourage students to become independent and democratic citizens. Hence, what had previously been described as Christian values, were reformulated into secular values. Throughout the whole historical period under review, there was a constant perception that the shared norms, values, and customs instilled by the public school system were different from those taught in independent confessional schools. Consequently, independent confessional schools were continuously perceived as deviating from the value system of public schools. This remains true regardless of whether the value system of the public school system was thought to rest on a Lutheran or a secular foundation; it can thus be described, in Casanova’s (2014) words, as a ‘dedifferentiation’ of religion.

In the case of a diversified Swedish society, old ideals implemented as social norms have come into conflict with newer ideals. Factors that are associated with ideological changes may receive undue attention as society is provoked to question or reconsider those social norms. This highlights how the public focus on certain inflammatory religious issues greatly outweighs what appears to be motivated by their actual impact on society. Future research on public religion should, therefore, more carefully distinguish between the religious issues that cause intense public discussions and their substantive effects. That is, an important avenue for future research concerns the underlying ideological conflicts that may trigger extensive political debates on issues that are of minor impact when seen from the perspective of society at large.

Acknowledgments

For useful comments and suggestions to earlier drafts of this paper, I am grateful to Erika Willander, Johan Hvenmark, and Johan Vamstad.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Ebba Henrekson

Ebba Henrekson is a PhD Candidate at the Center for Civil Society Research at Marie Cederschiöld University and associated to the Stockholm Center for Civil Society Studies at the Stockholm School of Economics. Her research primarily concerns the privatization of the Swedish school system and the organizational development of the school sector since the early 1990s. In particular, she examines the institutional, historical, and political factors that have contributed to a situation where civil society organizations and religious actors have a relatively small share of the school market compared to for-profit actors, despite a clearly pronounced political intention to promote increased pluralism in the school sector

Notes

1. Free-churches are defined as Protestant religious bodies outside of the Church of Sweden, for example, Methodists and Baptists.