ABSTRACT
Drawing on observation and interviews conducted in community centres in three deprived neighbourhoods in France, this article examines the conditions required for making a commitment to anti-discrimination activism. In theory, the experience of racial discrimination provides reasons for action. However, mobilization against racism is by no means the norm. This qualitative study shows that forms of resistance that value horizontal, inclusive relationships and quiet activism, encourage people to make a commitment despite their reluctance to do so. These collectives are also meeting places that allow people to politicize their personal experiences and raise awareness on racial stigmatization and discrimination.
Disclosure statement
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Notes
1 These groups include the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (Movement for Indigenous People of the Republic) created in 2005, the Conseil Représentatif des Associations Noires (Representative Council of France’s Black Associations) created in 2005, the Brigade anti-négrophobie (the Anti-Negrophobia Brigade) founded in 2010 and the Collectif stop le contrôle au faciès (Collective to stop racial profiling) founded in 2011.
2 Discrimination and stigma refer to distinct realities, but are often associated in both actors’ accounts and academic literature (Lamont et al. Citation2016). Discrimination means unequal and illegal treatment on the basis of prohibited criteria. Stigma means the attribution of negative qualifications to individuals, groups or identities, associated with signs considered to be stigma (Goffman Citation1963).
3 We understand politicization in the broadest sense, i.e. the process of linking personal problems to public problems and conflict (Eliasoph Citation1998).
4 The theory of political opportunity structure, a central paradigm in the literature on social movements in recent decades, invites us to examine collective actions in their political context (Tarrow Citation1994; Tilly and Tarrow Citation2008).
5 This research was carried out as part of the French National Research Agency’s (ANR) project “Experiences of Discrimination, Participation and Representation” (Talpin et al. Citation2021).
6 Stefaan Walgrave and Joris Verhulst qualify these reactions and mobilisations after an event as “new emotional movements” (Walgrave and Verhulst Citation2006).
7 For Asef Bayat, when it comes to practices common to millions of people, these forms of quiet activism can challenge or help to change dominant norms (Bayat Citation2009). For convergent arguments, see Scott (Citation1990).
8 On the distinction between structural, substantive and procedural effects, see Kitschelt (Citation1986).
9 Gender-based, religious and territorial discriminations are also present; we interviewed many women with an immigrant background, who were living in deprived areas, were mostly Muslim and, therefore, had experienced a combination of stigma (Crenshaw Citation1989, Citation1991).
10 2015 INSEE data.
11 This can be translated as “Living Equality Together”.
12 Contraction of “Police” and “City” in the sense of the Greek agora.
13 “Zonzon” is slang for prison and “93” is the number of the department Seine-Saint Denis, which has the highest poverty rate in metropolitan France.
14 The issue of systemic discrimination is well documented by research. For instance, see Feagin (Citation2006); Eberhard (Citation2006). In the case of France and the controversies surrounding the idea of state racism, see Dhume (Citation2016).
15 The broader research project conducted in six French cities confirms this statement. In contrast, in the three cities studied abroad (Los Angeles, Montreal and London), community groups reverted to direct action and open confrontation to challenge the institutions (Talpin et al. Citation2021).
16 The Defender of Rights is an independent constitutional authority responsible for fighting discrimination, but it has limited powers.