Abstract
This article examines Greek-Cypriot teachers' constructions of Turkish-speaking children's identities in the Greek-Cypriot educational system. Drawing on interviews and classroom observations from a two-year ethnographic study conducted in three primary schools in the Republic of Cyprus, the author explores how Turkish-speaking children enrolled in these schools are racialized, ethnicized and classed within the dominant discourse of Greek-Cypriot teachers. The article discusses how the homogenized perceptions expressed by the majority of participating teachers in this study are illustrative of structural racism that reinforces these constructions in teaching practices. Yet, at the same time, resistance is present in the discourse and practice of a few teachers; this resistance is expressed through a counter-positioning of the ‘normal/ized’ identities of Turkish-speaking children. The author argues that without structural transformation, the fact and practice of racism/nationalism/classism will go unaltered in schools.
Notes
1. The term ‘Turkish-speaking’ is purposely used in this article in that it is more inclusive than the term ‘Turkish Cypriots’ because most Roma in Cyprus speak Turkish. It is not always easy to distinguish who is ethnically Turkish Cypriot and who is Roma; therefore, the term ‘Turkish-speaking’ is preferred to refer to all Turkish-speaking groups. When it is important to make a distinction between Turkish Cypriots and Roma, this is explicitly stated in the text.
2. Various polls show that Turks, in general, are negatively viewed in Europe. Certainly negative discourse and discrimination toward Turkish-speaking children in European countries is bound to add to how they are racialized and treated in schools (Stevens 2008). As it will be shown through the data presentation, the larger context of anti-Turk sentiment in the Greek-Cypriot community is mostly grounded in the Turkish occupation of the northern part of Cyprus rather than Turkey's EU membership, and has an impact on teachers' perceptions of Turkish-speaking children.
3. Pseudonyms are used for individuals and locations to protect anonymity.