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Original Articles

Pseudo‐democracy in the Muslim world

Pages 1061-1078 | Published online: 24 Jan 2007
 

Abstract

This paper investigates the mechanisms of democratisation leading to the formation of pseudo‐democratic political systems in the contemporary Muslim world. It is argued that pseudo‐democracies in the Muslim world are created and strengthened by the structural opposition between three types of democratic doctrines, social practices and institutional mechanisms inspired by liberalism, republicanism and Islamism. Departing from the usual instrumentalist analyses that dominate the democratisation literature, this account emphasises that pseudo‐democratic regimes are not simply an expedient fallback position from liberal democratic systems but dynamic political orders based on alternative notions of democracy. It is argued that what is specific to the Muslim world as a socio‐historical construct is that pseudo‐democracies are produced by the evolving stalemate between the three abovementioned political currents. In these polities liberal democratic discourses and practices are undermined by non‐liberal yet demotic forms of social mobilisation and political learning that are more effective than laissez‐faire models of liberal political mobilisation.

Notes

Frédéric Volpi is in the Department of Politics, University of Bristol, 10 Priory Road, Bristol, BS8 1TU, UK. Email: [email protected]

Thomas Carothers, ‘The end of the transition paradigm’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (1), 2002, pp 5–21, at p18.

See Guillermo O'Donnell, Counterpoints: Selected Essays on Authoritarianism and Democratization, Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999.

See Guillermo O'Donnell, ‘Illusions about consolidation’, Journal of Democracy, 7 (2), 1996, pp 34–51.

Augustus Richard Norton, ‘Introduction’, in Norton (ed), Civil Society in the Middle East, Leiden: EJ Brill, 1995. See also Dale F Eickelman & Armando Salvatore, ‘The public sphere and Muslim identities’, Archives Européennes de Sociologie, XLIII (1), 2002, pp 92–115; and Amy Hawthorne, ‘Middle Eastern democracy: is civil society the answer?’, Carnegie Paper No 44, March 2004.

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The most useful analysis of these trends probably remains David Collier & Steven Levitsky, ‘Democracy with adjectives: conceptual innovation in comparative research’, World Politics, 49 (3), 1997, pp 430–451. More recent trends are identified in Steven Levitsky & Lucan A Way, ‘The rise of competitive authoritarianism’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (2), 2002, pp 51–65; and Larry Diamond, ‘Thinking about hybrid regimes’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (2), 2002, pp 21–35.

Daniel Brumberg, ‘The trap of liberalized autocracy’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (4), 2002, pp 46–68; Mehran Kamrava, ‘Pseudo‐democratic politics and populist possibilities: the rise and demise of Turkey’s Refah party', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 25 (2), 1998, pp 275–301; William Case, ‘Malaysia’s resilient pseudodemocracy', Journal of Democracy, 12 (1), 2001, pp 43–57.

Diamond, ‘Thinking about hybrid regimes’, p 24.

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Full text of the Transitional Administrative Law approved by the Iraqi Governing Council on 8 March 2004 available at: http://www.cpa‐iraq.org/government/TAL.html.

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Samuel P Huntington, The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996; and Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, New York: WW Norton, 2003.

See James Tully, ‘The unfreedom of the moderns in comparison to their ideals of constitutional democracy’, The Modern Law Review, 65 (2), 2002, pp 204–228.

See Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968; and Hugh Poulton, Top‐hat, the Grey Wolf and the Crescent: Turkish Nationalism and the Turkish Republic, London: Hurst, 1997.

As Bernard Lewis emphasises, words like citizen and citizenship had until recently no direct equivalent in the Arabic, Persian or Turkic languages. Bernard Lewis, ‘Islam and liberal democracy: a historical overview’, Journal of Democracy, 7 (2) 1996, pp 52–63. On republicanism in the Western political tradition, see Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

See Bertrand Badie, The Imported State: The Westernization of Political Order, trans C Royal, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000; and Badie, Les Deux Etats: Pouvoir et Société en Occident et en Terre d'Islam, Paris: Fayard, 1987.

See Rosemarie Said Zahlan, The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman, London: Ithaca Press, 1998; and Michael Herb, All in the Family: Absolutism, Revolution and Democracy in the Middle Eastern Monarchies, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999.

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Olivier Roy, ‘Groupes de solidarité au Moyen‐Orient et en Asie centrale’, Les Cahiers du ceri , 16, 1996, p 3. See also Roy, ‘Patronage and solidarity groups: survival or reformation’, in Ghassan Salamé (ed), Democracy without Democrats, London: IB Tauris, 1994.

Akbar Ahmed, Islam under Siege: Living Dangerously in a Post‐Honor World, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003.

Roy, ‘Groupes de solidarité au Moyen‐Orient et en Asie centrale’. See also Kathleen Collins, ‘The political role of clans in Central Asia’, Comparative Politics, 35 (2), 2003, pp 171–190.

Roy, ‘Groupes de solidarité au Moyen‐Orient et en Asie centrale’, p 43. For Roy, this characterisation also applies to a country like Lebanon, where the asabiyya has expended and reconstituted itself on the basis of entire ethno‐religious communities, but has not laid the bases for the formation of a nation.

Irm Haleem, ‘Ethnic and sectarian violence and the propensity towards praetorianism in Pakistan’, Third World Quarterly, 24 (3), 2003, pp 463–477. More generally see Ghassan Salamé, ‘“Strong” and “weak” states: a qualified return to the Muqaddimah’, in Giacomo Luciani (ed), The Arab State, London: Routledge, 1990.

On Algeria, see William Zartman, ‘The military in the politics of succession: Algeria’, in J Harbeson (ed), The Military in African Politics, New York: Praeger, 1987; Robert Mortimer, ‘Islamists, soldiers, and democrats: the second Algerian war’, Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 18–39; and Frédéric Volpi, ‘Democratisation and its enemies: the Algerian transition to authoritarianism’, in R Luckham & G Cawthra (eds), Governing Insecurity: Democratic Control of Military and Security Establishments in Transitional Democracies, London: Zed Books, 2003. On Indonesia, see Donald J Porter, ‘Citizen participation through mobilization and the rise of political Islam in Indonesia’, Pacific Review, 15 (2), 2002, pp 201–224; Vedi R Hadiz, ‘Reorganizing political power in Indonesia: a reconsideration of so‐called “democratic transitions”’, Pacific Review, 16 (4), 2003, pp 591–611. On Turkey, see Martin Heper, ‘Conclusion—the consolidation of democracy versus democratization in Turkey’, Turkish Studies, 3 (1), 2002, pp 138–152; and Philip W Sutton & Stephen Vertigans, ‘The established and challenging outsiders: resurgent Islam in secular Turkey’, Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, 3 (1), 2002, pp 58–78.

Martin E Marty & R Scott Appleby, ‘Introduction’, in Marty & Appleby (eds), Accounting for Fundamentalisms: The Dynamic Character of Movements, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1994; and Marty & Appleby, ‘Remaking the state: the limits of the fundamentalist imagination’, in Marty & Appleby (eds), Fundamentalisms and the State: Remaking Polities, Economies and Militance, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

See Katarina Dalacoura, ‘A critique of communitarianism with reference to post‐revolutionary Iran’, Review of International Studies, 28 (1), 2002, pp 75–92; Heather Deegan, ‘Structures of government in the Islamic Republic of Sudan: the question of legitimacy and the 1998 draft constitution’, Journal of North African studies, 4 (1), 1999, pp 87–101; and Gabriel Warburg, ‘Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 27 (2), 1995, pp 219–236.

Isaiah Berlin, Two Concepts of Liberty, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958. See also Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty, London: Oxford University Press, 1969. For an alternative exposition of these notions of liberty, see Quentin Skinner, Liberty before Liberalism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998; and Skinner, ‘The idea of negative liberty’, in R Rorty et al (eds), Philosophy in History: Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.

In the liberal tradition, this is an argument most forcefully made by Benjamin Constant in his seminal work on the liberty of the ‘ancients’ and the liberty of the ‘moderns’. See Benjamin Constant, Political Writings, trans and ed B Fontana, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.

Note that even religious law may lean toward positive law when it is being codified. See Rudolph Peters, ‘From jurists’ law to statute law, or what happens when the Shari'a is codified', Mediterranean Politics, 7 (3), 2003, pp 82–95.

Compare Adrian Karatnycky, ‘The 1999 Freedom House survey: a century of progress’, Journal of Democracy, 11 (1), 2000, pp 187–200, with Karatnycky, ‘Muslim countries and the democracy gap’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (1), 2002, pp 99–112.

See Alfred Stepan, ‘Religion, democracy and the “twin tolerations”’, Journal of Democracy, 11 (4), 2000, pp 37–57.

William Case, ‘Revisiting elites, transitions and founding elections: an unexpected caller from Indonesia’, Democratization, 7 (4), 2000, pp 51–80; and Kikue Hamayotsu, ‘Islam and nation building in Southeast Asia: Malaysia and Indonesia in comparative perspective’, Pacific Affairs, 75 (3), 2002, pp 353–375.

Abdeslam Maghraoui, ‘Monarchy and political reform in Morocco’, Journal of Democracy, 12 (1), 2001, pp 73–86; and Mansoor Moaddel, ‘Religion and the state: the singularity of the Jordanian religious experience’, International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, 15 (4), 2002, pp 527–568.

Volpi, ‘Democratisation and its enemies’; and Y Bouandel, ‘Political parties and the transition from authoritarianism: the case of Algeria’, Journal of Modern African Studies, 41 (1), 2003, pp 1–22.

Joel S Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State–Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988; and Migdal, State in Society: Studying How States and Societies Transform and Constitute One Another, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

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John Ruedy, Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1992; Kirk J Beattie, Egypt During the Nasser Years: Ideology, Parties and Civil Society, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1994; and Michael RJ Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics Under Suharto: The Rise and Fall of the New Order, London: Routledge, 1998.

See Salamé, ‘“Strong” and “weak” states’.

Brumberg, ‘The trap of liberalized autocracy’.

Hadiz, ‘Reorganizing political power in Indonesia’, p 607. See also Abubakar E Hara, ‘The difficult journey of democratization in Indonesia’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 23 (2), 2001, pp 307–326.

See Levitsky & Way, ‘The rise of competitive authoritarianism’.

For a dramatic illustration of this process in Algeria see Frédéric Volpi, Islam and Democracy: The Failure of Dialogue in Algeria, London: Pluto Press, 2003; and Luis Martinez, The Algerian Civil War 1990–1998, trans J Derrick, London: Hurst, 2000.

See Juan L Linz & Alfred Stepan's, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post‐Communist Europe, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. In a Middle Eastern context, see Marsha Pripstein Posusney, ‘Enduring authoritarianism: Middle East lessons for comparative theory’, Comparative Politics, 36 (2), 2004, pp 127–138.

Phillipe Schmitter, ‘Interest systems and the consolidation of democracies’, in L Diamond & G Marks (eds), Reexamining Democracy: Essays in Honour of Seymour Martin Lipset, London: Sage, 1992, p 158.

Huntington, The Clash of Civilisations; and Ernest Gellner, Conditions of Liberty: Civil Society and its Rivals, London: Hamish Hamilton, 1994.

For a radical critique by one of the best‐known Islamist ideologues see Sayyid Qutb, Milestones, Indianapolis, IN: American Trust Publications, 1993. For a more measured analysis of the perceptions of Western secular influences in Muslim societies, see the contributors to A Tamimi & J Esposito (eds), Islam and Secularism in the Middle East, London: Hurst, 2000.

Norton, ‘Introduction’; and Massoud Kamali, ‘Civil society and Islam: a sociological perspective’, Archives Européennes de Sociologie, XLII (3), 2001, pp 457–482.

Mark Tessler, ‘Islam and democracy in the Middle East: the impact of religious orientations on attitudes toward democracy in four Arab countries’, Comparative Politics, 34 (3), 2002, pp 337–354; and Richard Rose, ‘How Muslims view democracy: evidence from Central Asia’, Journal of Democracy, 13 (4), 2002, pp 102–111.

Rose, ‘How Muslims view democracy’.

Quoted in Frédéric Volpi, ‘Language, practices and the formation of a transnational liberal‐democratic ethos’, Global Society, 16 (1), 2002, pp 89–101.

The transcript of Musharraf's speech is available on the BBC world service at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/monitoring/477829.stm

Indeed, as George W Bush asserted in 2002, Musharraf had articulated ‘a vision of Pakistan as a progressive, modern, and democratic Islamic society’. Remarks by President Bush and President Musharraf of Pakistan in Press Availability, The Cross Hall, 13 February 2002, available at: http://www. whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/02/20020213‐3.html

On Turkey see Cengiz Çandar, ‘Redefining Turkey’s political center', Journal of Democracy, 10 (4), 1999, pp 129–141; and Niyazi Günay, ‘Implementing the “February 28” Recommendations’, Research Note 10, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2001. On Iran see A William Samii, ‘Iran’s guardians council as an obstacle to democracy', Middle East Journal, 55 (4), 2001, pp 643–678; and Mihrangiz Kar, ‘Constitutional constraints’, Journal of Democracy, 14 (1), 2003, pp 132–136

Quoted in Volpi, Islam and Democracy, p 87.

Paul Kubicek, ‘Authoritarianism in Central Asia: curse or cure?’, Third World Quarterly, 19 (1), 1998, pp 29–43.

Roy, ‘Groupes de solidarité au Moyen‐Orient et en Asie centrale’.

Brumberg, ‘The trap of liberalized autocracy’. See also Aqil Shah, ‘Pakistan’s “armored” democracy', Journal of Democracy, 14 (4), 2003, pp 26–40.

Michelle M Taylor‐Robinson, ‘Old parties and new democracies: do they bring out the best in one another?’, Party Politics, 7 (5), 2001, pp 581–604.

As'ad Abukhalil, ‘Change and democratisation in the Arab world: the role of political parties’, Third World Quarterly, 18 (1), 1997, pp 149–163.

Kamrava, ‘Pseudo‐democratic politics and populist possibilities’.

See Guilain Denoeux, Urban Unrest in the Middle East: A Comparative Study of Informal Networks in Egypt, Iran and Lebanon, New York: State University of New York Press, 1993; Asef Bayat, ‘Un‐civil society: the politics of the “informal people”’, Third World Quarterly, 18 (1), 1997, pp 53–72.

Mary Fearnley‐Sander, Mawardi Effendi Isnarmi Zulfahmi, Wahidul Basri & Nurhizrah Gistituati, ‘Political learning during reformasi’, Australian Journal of Political Science, 36 (2), 2001, pp 325–346.

See Douglas Ramage, Politics in Indonesia: Democracy, Islam and the Ideology of Tolerance, London: Routledge, 1995.

Gareth Jenkins, ‘Muslim Democrats in Turkey?’, Survival, 45 (1), 2003, pp 45–66, at p 55.

Hassan Remaoun, ‘École, histoire, et enjeux institutionels’, Les Temps Modernes, 580, 1995, pp 168–184.

Robert D Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000; and Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994.

See also Francis Fukuyama, ‘Social capital, civil society and development’, Third World Quarterly, 22 (1), 2001, pp 7–20.

David Shankland, Islam and Society in Turkey, Huntingdon, UK: Eothen Press, 1999.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Frédéric Volpi Footnote

Frédéric Volpi is in the Department of Politics, University of Bristol, 10 Priory Road, Bristol, BS8 1TU, UK. Email: [email protected]

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