Religion and Foreign Policy Making in the USA, India and Iran: towards a research agenda

Abstract

This article is concerned with religious soft power in foreign policy making through a focus on the foreign policies of the USA, India and Iran. It suggests that, if religious actors ‘get the ear’ of key foreign policy makers because of their shared religious beliefs, the former may become able to influence foreign policy outcomes through the exercise of religious soft power. In relation to the above-mentioned countries, the article proposes that several named religious actors do significantly influence foreign policy through such a strategy. It also notes that such influence is apparent not only when key policy makers share religious values, norms and beliefs but also when policy makers accept that foreign policy should be informed by them.

Notes

1 Defining religion is problematic. Listing 17 different definitions, Martin E Marty concludes that ‘scholars will never agree on the definition of religion’. He does, however, note five phenomena that ‘help describe what we're talking about’. Religion focuses our ‘ultimate concern’, builds community, appeals to myth and symbol, is enforced through rites and ceremonies, and demands certain behaviour from its adherents (Marty, 2000: 11 – 14). This suggests approaching the concept of religion as 1) a body of ideas and outlooks, such as theology and ethical code; 2) a type of formal organisation, such as, an ecclesiastical ‘church’, and 3) a social group, such as faith-based organisations. Religion affects the world in two basic ways: by what it says and what id does. The former relates to doctrine or theology, while the latter relates to religion's importance as a social phenomenon and mark of identity, which manifests in various modes of institutionalisation.

2 In Iran a ‘messianic fundamentalist’ is a person with messianic or apocalyptic dreams of political domination by their membership. Some contend that this religious messianism encourages Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, to proceed in his politics with a dangerous sense of divine mission (La Guardia, 2006).

3 Founded in 2004, Freedom Works represents a merger between Citizens for a Sound Economy and Empower America.

4 Note that these claims are drawn from the secondary literature. The influence of such religious actors is a subject that both draws attention and merits further scrutiny.

5 Pat Robertson claimed that Islam ‘is not a peaceful religion’ (in Halper & Clarke, 2004: 196).

6 Advani was President of the bjp until the end of 2005. At the time of writing he is leader of the opposition in the Indian parliament, the Lok Sabha.

7 The Congress Party and allies gained the largest number of seats in parliament (216, compared with the bjp's 186), although it did not gain enough seats to rule with an overall majority, for which 273 seats would be required.

8 While the Iranian political situation is more complicated than a simple religious or clerical conservatives versus lay reformers dichotomy, this focus is a useful heuristic device as it examines comparative soft power attributes of both constituencies.

9 Bahai is a religion founded in 1863 in Persia that emphasises the spiritual unity of all humankind.

10 The Basijis is a paramilitary force founded by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979. It supplied volunteers for shock troop units during the Iran – Iraq war (1980 – 88). The Basijis is now a branch of the Revolutionary Guard, loyal to the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

11 The Expediency Council maintains the authority to mediate disputes between parliament and the Council of Guardians. The latter comprises 12 jurists, including six appointed by the Supreme Leader. The Council of Guardians serves as an advisory body to the latter, making it one of the most powerful governing bodies in the country.

12 Key supporters of both organisations are found among revolutionary guards and other pro-regime militants, where the attraction no doubt includes both soft and hard power factors.

13 Later, however, Ahmadinejad's popularity declined, as a result of rising inflation, high unemployment and increasing petrol costs (Tait, 2007).

14 Shi'ite tradition holds that the Jamkaran mosque was ordered to be built by the Mahdi himself.