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Articles

Consociation in a Constant State of Contingency? The case of the Palestinian Territory

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Pages 541-558 | Published online: 25 Apr 2012
 

Abstract

It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is between secular and religious forces. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by examining the applicability of consociationalism to the case of the Palestinian Territory. We argue that, while Palestinian society is characterised by ‘pillarisation’ along a secularist/Islamist cleavage, formal power-sharing between the representatives of the two main Palestinian factions, namely Fatah and Hamas, has proved elusive. However, rather than seeking to explain the seeming inability of the factions to share power by reference to the nature of the cleavage, as other authors have done, we instead highlight the contextual factors that have made power sharing difficult to achieve, namely the difficulties Hamas and Fatah face in accepting each other as political partners, and opposition from external actors.

Notes

We would like to thank Abdelafo S Aker (Abud), Saeb Erekat, Are Hovdenak, Stefan Krauss, Heather Marquette, Colin Scicluna, Stefan Wolff and Sami Zemni for their helpful comments and suggestions at various stages in the preparation of this article. Our thanks also go to Shahid Qadir, and to our anonymous reviewers for recommending our work for publication. Responsibility for any mistakes or omissions remains, of course, our own.

 1 GA Almond, ‘Comparative political systems’, Journal of Politics, 18(3), 1956, pp 391–409; and A Lijphart, ‘Typologies of democratic systems’, Comparative Political Studies, 1(1), 1968, pp 3–44.

 2 A Lijphart, ‘Consociational democracy’, World Politics, 21(2), 1969, p 216.

 3 A Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977, pp 25–52.

 4 M Bogaards, ‘The uneasy relationship between empirical and normative types in consociational theory’, Journal of Theoretical Politics, 12(4), 2000, pp 395–423; and RB Andeweg, ‘Consociational democracy’, Annual Review of Political Science, 3, 2000, pp 516–17.

 5 Bogaards, ‘The uneasy relationship’, p 396.

 6 Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies, p 223.

 7 For useful reviews, see M Bogaards, ‘The favourable factors for consociational democracy: a review’, European Journal of Political Research, 33(4), 1998, pp 475–496; and Andeweg, ‘Consociational democracy’, pp 521–529. On the distinction between factors accounting for the emergence and the success of consociations, see S Wolff, ‘Post-conflict state building: the debate on institutional choice’, Third World Quarterly, 32(10), 2011, pp 1777–1802.

 8 J McGarry & B O'Leary, Explaining Northern Ireland: Broken Images, Oxford: Blackwell, 1995, p 339.

 9 M Kerr, Imposing Power-Sharing: Conflict and Coexistence in Northern Ireland and Lebanon, Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2006, p 28.

10 J McGarry & B O'Leary, ‘Consociational theory, Northern Ireland's conflict, and its Agreement. Part 1: what consociationalists can learn from Northern Ireland’, Government and Opposition, 41(1), 2006, pp 48–54.

11 R Taylor, ‘Introduction: the promise of consociational theory’, in Taylor (ed), Consociational Theory: McGarry & O'Leary and the Northern Ireland Conflict, London: Routledge, 2009, p 1.

12 B O'Leary, ‘Debating consociational politics: normative and explanatory arguments’, in SJR Noel (ed), From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005, pp 3–4.

13 We do not have space here for a thorough review of criticisms of consociationalism as a mechanism for managing conflict in plural societies. For useful recent summaries of such debates, see O'Leary, ‘Debating consociational politics’; and DL Horowitz, ‘Conciliatory institutions and constitutional processes in post-conflict states’, William and Mary Law Review, 49(4), 2008, pp 1213–1248.

14 Bogaards, ‘The uneasy relationship’, p 402.

15 C Jung & I Shapiro, ‘South Africa's negotiated transition: democracy, opposition, and the new constitutional order’, Politics & Society, 23(3), 1995, p 273.

16 Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies, p 238.

17 O'Leary, ‘Debating consociational politics’, p 11.

18 DL Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985, p 575.

19 SG Simonsen, ‘Addressing ethnic divisions in post-conflict institution-building: lessons from recent cases’, Security Dialogue, 36(3), 2005, pp 297–318; and R Aitken, ‘Cementing divisions? An assessment of the impact of international interventions and peace-building policies on ethnic identities and divisions’, Policy Studies, 28(3), 2007, pp 247–267.

20 See, for example, O'Leary, ‘Debating consociational politics’, pp 8–19.

21 See, in particular, P Mitchell, G Evans & B O'Leary, ‘Extremist outbidding in ethnic party systems is not inevitable: tribune parties in Northern Ireland’, Political Studies, 57(2), pp 397–421.

22 This is evident from Taylor's classification of classic, past and contemporary cases of consociationalism, which he bases on a Google Scholar search. R Taylor, ‘Introduction: the promise of consociational theory’, in Taylor, Consociational Theory, p 6.

23 S Bose, Bosnia after Dayton: Nationalist Partition and International Intervention, London: Hurst, 2002, p 216.

24 R Belloni, ‘Peacebuilding and consociational electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina’, International Peacekeeping, 11(2), 2004, p 336.

25 B Barry, ‘Political accommodation and consociational democracy’, British Journal of Political Science, 5(4), 1975, p 504; K Deschouwer, ‘The decline of consociationalism and the reluctant modernization of Belgian mass parties’, in RS Katz & P Mair (eds), How Parties Organize: Change and Adaptation in Party Organizations in Western Democracies, London: Sage, 1994, pp 80–108; and SB Wolinetz, ‘Belgium and the Netherlands’, in C Hay & A Menon (eds), European Politics, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007, pp 82–100.

26 Quoted in JR Rudolph Jr, ‘Ethnonational parties & political change: the Belgian & British experience’, Polity, 9(4), 1977, pp 401–426.

27 J Coakley, ‘The challenge of consociation in Northern Ireland’, Parliamentary Affairs, 64(3), 2011, pp 473–493.

28 R Hirschl, ‘The theocratic challenge to constitution drafting in post-conflict states’, William and Mary Law Review, 49(4), 2008, pp 1179–1211. A notable exception to this observation, which Hirschl does not cite, is C Parker & S Zemni, ‘From securitization toward consociation? The civic dynamic of Palestinian Authority/Islamist rivalry’, Arab Studies Journal, 6(2)/7(1), 1998/99, pp 34–56.

29 Hirschl, ‘The theocratic challenge to constitution drafting in post-conflict states’, pp 1182–1185.

30 Ibid, p 1186.

31 See M Pace, ‘Democracy promotion in the context of an occupied nation? The case of Palestine’, in M Pace (ed), Europe, the USA and Political Islam: Strategies for Engagement, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, pp 102–124.

32 LD Lybarger, Identity & Religion in Palestine: The Struggle between Islamism & Secularism in the Occupied Territories, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.

33 P McGeough, Kill Khalid: The Failed Mossad Assassination of Khalid Mishal and the Rise of Hamas, London: Quartet Books, 2009.

34 See, for example, G Usher, Dispatches from Palestine: The Rise and Fall of the Oslo Peace Process, London: Pluto Press, 1999, ch 2.

35 J Schanzer, Hamas vs Fatah: The Struggle for Palestine, Basingtoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

36 Lybarger introduces the distinction between this Fathawi alternative and a strict secularism that insists on the privatising or abandoning of religious practices (the leftist variant). Lybarger, Identity & Religion in Palestine, p 1.

37 Ibid, p 3.

38 Parker & Zemni, ‘From securitization toward consociation?’, p 39.

39 A Hovdenak, The Public Services under Hamas in Gaza: Islamic Revolution or Crisis Management?, Peace Research Institute Oslo Report 3-2010, 2010, p 16.

40 A Knudsen, ‘Crescent and sword: the Hamas enigma’, Third World Quarterly, 26(8), 2005, pp 1373–1388.

41 Hovdenak, The Public Services under Hamas in Gaza, p 11.

42 Ibid, p 14.

43 Ibid, p 5.

44 Lybarger, Identity & Religion in Palestine, p 7.

45 Ibid, p 18.

46 A Carbajosa, ‘Gazan youth issue manifesto to vent their anger with all sides in the conflict’, Observer, 2 January 2011, at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/02/free-gaza-youth-manifesto-palestinian, accessed 23 August 2011.

47 See, for example, International Crisis Group, Inside Gaza: The Challenge of Clans and Families, icg Middle East Report 71, 20 December 2007, at http://www.crisisgroup.org/∼/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/71_inside_gaza___the_challenge_of_clans_and_families.pdf, accessed 23 August 2011.

48 Y Sayigh & K Shikaki, Strengthening Palestinian Public Institutions, Council on Foreign Relations Independent Task Force Report (Rocard-Siegman report), 1999, at http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/palinstfull.pdf, accessed 23 August 2011. See also I Amundsen & B Ezbidi, Clientelist Politics: State Formation and Corruption in Palestine 1994–2000, Chr Michelsen Institute Report R2002:17, 2002, at http://www.cmi.no/publications/file/?770=clientelist-politics, accessed 23 August 2011.

49 Lybarger, Identity & Religion in Palestine.

50 B Milton-Edwards, ‘Prepared for power: Hamas, governance and conflict’, Civil Wars, 7(4), 2005, pp 311–329.

51 See Appendix I in A Tamimi, Hamas: Unwritten Chapters, London: Hurst, 2007 for the full text of this document.

52 M Levitt, Hamas: Politics, Charity, and Terrorism in the Service of Jihad, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006, p 148.

53 S Erlanger, ‘Abbas assails Hamas for violating truce’, New York Times, 19 July 2005, p 4, at http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/18/world/africa/18iht-gaza.html, accessed 23 August 2011.

54 Hamas had been expected to perform well in its first national elections, but the scale of its victory surprised many observers.

55 See Central Election Commission Palestine, ‘The second 2006 plc elections: the final distribution of the plc seats', at http://www.elections.ps/pdf/Final_Result_distribution_of_PLC_seats-EN2.pdf, accessed January 2006.

56 D Tuastad, ‘The role of international clientelism in the national factionalism of Palestine’, Third World Quarterly, 31(5), 2010, pp 791–802.

57 International Crisis Group, Inside Gaza.

58 D Rose, ‘The Gaza bombshell’, Vanity Fair, April 2008, at www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/04/gaza200804, accessed 23 August 2011.

59 See Knudsen, ‘Crescent and sword’. See also Rose, ‘The Gaza bombshell’.

60 See Tuastad, ‘The role of international clientelism in the national factionalism of Palestine’.

61 Ibid.

62 For Palestinians this is an annual day of commemoration of the displacement that accompanied the creation of Israel in 1948.

63 Associated Press, ‘Israeli forces fire on Palestinians approaching Gaza–Israeli border’, Guardian, 15 May 2011, at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/15/palestinians-wounded-gaza-israeli-border, accessed 23 August 2011.

64 See S Milne & I Black, ‘Secret papers reveal slow death of Middle East peace process’, Guardian, 23 January 2011, at http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/jan/23/palestine-papers-expose-peace-concession, accessed 23 August 2011; and Al Jazeera, ‘The Palestine papers’, at http://english.aljazeera.net/palestinepapers/, accessed 23 August 2011.

65 The reported text of the agreement is available from the Jerusalem Media & Communications Center website, at http://www.jmcc.org/Documentsandmaps.aspx?id=828, accessed 23 August 2011. See also ‘Fatah and Hamas sign reconciliation deal’, Al Jazeera, 27 April 2011, at http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2011/04/2011427152119845721.html, accessed 23 August 2011.

66 Quoted in International Crisis Group, Palestinian Reconciliation: Plus ça Change …, icg Middle East Report 110, 20 July 2011, p 15, at http://www.crisisgroup.org/∼/media/Files/Middle%20East%20North%20Africa/Israel%20Palestine/110%20Palestinian%20Reconciliation%20Plus%20Ca%20Change.pdf, accessed 23 August 2011.

67 Ibid.

68 A Issacharoff, ‘Fayyad to Haaretz: I will not lead a Palestinian unity government’, Haaretz, 2 December 2011, at http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/fayyad-to-haaretz-i-will-not-lead-a-palestinian-unity-government-1.399065, accessed 5 January 2012.

69 A version of the text is available publicly (see note 65), but this version is not official and is not signed. On the accuracy of this text and other questions that remain unanswered in regard to the content of the agreement, see Y Yehoshua, The Fatah–Hamas Situation: Was there an Agreement?, Middle East Media Research Institute Inquiry & Analysis Series Report 699, 24 June 2011, at http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/5402.htm, accessed 23 August 2011.

70 The period since Hamas's electoral victory in January 2006 has seen many initiatives designed to restore some semblance of Palestinian unity. There have been talks in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Cairo as well as in Israel. Some of those bore no fruit at all; others led to short-term or partial agreements. Despite these efforts, divisions among Palestinian leaders remained deep. See NJ Brown, ‘Can Cairo reassemble Palestine?’, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace web commentary, November 2008, at http://carnegieendowment.org/files/cairo_palestine.pdf, accessed 23 August 2011.

71 Council of the European Union, press release, 3091st Council meeting, foreign affairs, at http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/foraff/122187.pdf, accessed 23 August 2011.

72 Email correspondence between Michelle Pace and a high-ranking official at the Council of the European Union, 18 July 2011.

73 M Awad, ‘Fatah, Hamas end feud, agree to interim government’, Reuters, 27 April 2011, at http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/04/27/us-palestinians-reconciliation-idUSTRE73Q50820110427, accessed 23 August 2011. See also J Greenberg, ‘Palestinian factions Fatah and Hamas formally sign unity accord’, Washington Post, 4 May 2011, at http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/palestinian-factions-formally-sign-unity-accord/2011/05/04/AFD89MmF_story.html?hpid=z6, accessed 23 August 2011.

74 ‘Hamas's Haniya applauds, Israel, denounces plo unity moves’, Agence France-Presse, 23 December 2011, at http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jjjTTji1yq-hOSYegh5CvSuakbug?docId=CNG.b9c062fd06ae0375d43f839d602a0917.131=CNG.b9c062fd06ae0375d43f839d602a0917.131, accessed 4 January 2012.

75 P Goodspeed, ‘Hamas set to reject violence: report’, National Post, 16 December 2011, at http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2011/12/16/peter-goodspeed-hamas-set-to-reject-violence-report/, accessed 4 January 2012.

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