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Abstract
The impact of rising powers generally and the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - in particular on the existing global order has become controversial and contested. Donald Trump’s nationalist foreign policy agenda has raised questions about the BRICS willingness and capacity to provide leadership in place on an American administration that is increasingly inward looking. As a result, the rise of BRICS poses potential normative and structural challenges to the existing liberal international order. Given its geoeconomic significance, China also poses a potential problem for the other BRICS, as well as the governance of the existing order more generally. Consequently, we argue that it will be difficult for the BRICS to maintain a unified position amongst themselves, let alone play a constructive role in preserving the foundations of ‘global governance’.
Notes
1. Kagan, “The Twilight.”
2. Clark, “China warns Trump.”
3. Browne, “A US–China Role Switch”; Liu, “China will Play.”
4. Beeson, “Can China Lead?”
5. Weiss, Global Governance, 32.
6. Mazower, Governing the World, xiii.
7. Schweller, “Ennui Becomes Us,” 34.
8. Agnew, Hegemony.
9. Beeson and Higgott, “Hegemony, Institutionalism.”
10. The five Principles are: mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty; mutual non-aggression; mutual non-interference; equality and cooperation; peaceful co-existence; Panda, “Reflecting on China’s.”
11. Landler, “Trump Offers.”
12. For a China focused discussion see Zhu and Pearson, “Globalisation and the Role.”
13. Babb, “The Washington Consensus.”
14. Fuchs, Business Power in Global Governance.
15. Robinson and Harris, “Towards a Global Ruling Class?”
16. Steinfeld, Playing Our Game.
17. Peck and Zhang, “A Variety of Capitalism.”
18. Kurlantzick, State Capitalism; Musacchio and Lazzarini, Reinventing State Capitalism.
19. Sabatini, “Bridges to Nowhere.”
20. Brødsgaard, “Politics and Business Group”; Shambaugh, China Goes Global.
21. Kindleberger, The World in Depression.
22. Drezner, All Politics is Global, 210.
23. Beeson and Zeng, “Realistic Relations?”; Johnston, Cultural Realism.
24. Lampton, “Xi Jinping.”
25. Chin and Thakur, “Will China Change.”
26. Stephen, “Rising Powers.”
27. Pant, “The BRICS Fallacy.”
28. Ikenberry, “Future of the Liberal World Order.”
29. Bremmer, Every Nation for Itself, 174.
30. Luce, The Retreat of Western Liberalism.
31. Cooley, “Countering Democratic Norms.”
32. Stephens, “Do We Still Want.”
33. Koppel, World Rule.
34. Browne, “China Gloats.”
35. Williamson, “In Search of a Manual for Technopols.”
36. Beeson and Li, “What Consensus?”
37. Babb, “The Washington Consensus.”
38. Glosny, “China and the BRICS.”
39. Chin, “The BRICS-Led Development Bank.”
40. Wu, “Never Mind the Bumpy Start.”
41. Wilson, “The Evolution of China’s.”
42. Ramo, The Beijing Consensus.
43. Kennedy. “The Myth of the Beijing Consensus”; Ferchen, “Whose China Model.”
44. Wang, “Beijing Consensus.”
45. Yao, “The End of the Beijing Consensus.”
46. Nie, “There is no Beijing Consensus.”
47. Kennedy, “The Myth of the Beijing Consensus.”
48. Halper, The Beijing Consensus.
49. Hasmath, “The Beijing Consensus.”
50. Shambaugh, China Goes Global.
51. Tiezzi, “China Doesn’t Want.”
52. Vermeiren, “Foreign Exchange Accumulation.”
53. Xuexixiaozu, “Xi Jinping.”
54. Yuan, “Questions about Studies of Beijing Consensus.”
55. Zeng, Xiao and Breslin, “Securing China’s Core Interests.”
56. Yan, “ From Keeping a Low Profile.”
57. BRICS, “8th BRICS Summit.
58. Steinhardt and Wu, “In the Name of the Public.”
59. Zeng, The Chinese Communist Party's Capacity.
60. Forsythe, “China Aims to Spend.”
61. Zeng, The Chinese Communist Party's Capacity.
62. Gabuev, “China’s Pivot to Putin’s Friends.”
63. Government of India, “Official Spokesperson's Response.”
64. CPEC, available at http://cpec.gov.pk/introduction/1
65. Summers, “China’s ‘New Silk Roads.’”
66. Aziz, “China–Pakistan Economic Corridor”; Gardels, “China’s New Silk Road”; Zaidi, “The New Game Changer in Pakistan.”
67. Connor, “China warns India.”
68. Dhume, “Powerful China Won’t Respect India.”
69. Jia, “China.”
70. Global Times, “Modi Government Had Better Not.”
71. Stockmann and Gallagher, “Remote Control.”
72. Zeng, “Institutionalization of the Authoritarian Leadership.”
73. Buzan, “The Logic and Contradictions.”
74. Zeng, Xiao and Breslin, “Securing China’s Core Interests.”
75. Global Times, “India Upgraded to Play Dailai Card.”
76. Sevastopulo, “Trump gives Glimpse.”
77. Beeson and Lee‐Brown “The Future of Asian Regionalism.”
78. Morazan et al. “The Role of BRICS.”
79. Stockmann and Gallagher, “Remote Control.”
80. Shen, “GG2022”; Lu, “The Evolution of Sovereignty.”
81. Nocetti, “Contest and Conquest.”
82. Stevens, “BRICS Set Out Vision.”
83. Hitchens, “Cybersecurity.”
84. Zeng, Stevens and Chen, “China’s Solution to Global Cyber Governance.”
85. AFP, “China’s WeChat blocked in Russia.”
86. Zeng, Stevens and Chen, “China’s Solution to Global Cyber Governance.”
87. Breslin, “China and the Global Order.”
88. Stephen, “Rising Powers.”
89. Wade, “Emerging World Order?” 349.
90. Sachs, “Will Economic Illiteracy Trigger a Trade War?”
91. Zakaria, “Populism on the March.”