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Article

Solving the security–democracy dilemma: the US foreign policy in Tunisia post-9/11

Pages 1181-1199 | Received 09 Jul 2019, Accepted 03 Apr 2020, Published online: 26 May 2020
 

Abstract

Scholarly consensus postulates a sharp contrast exists between liberal values and realist interests in US foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, which finds its expression in the ‘security–democracy’ dilemma.​ This means the US rhetorical determination to abide by the values of a ‘liberal’ foreign policy is neutralised by the ‘realist’ priority of maintaining US strategic interests, which requires support for friendly authoritarian rulers. Scholarship tends to apply this reasoning indistinctly to the entire region, providing an encompassing framework of analysis for understanding US foreign policy, which is valid across time and space. This study challenges this theoretical assumption and argues that while the US might indeed have a comprehensive regional approach in the MENA, the resulting foreign policy follows country-based trajectories that respond to national specificities and the perceived implications for US strategic interests. Exploring US foreign policy in the MENA after 9/11, the article demonstrates that while the US emphasis on liberalism crumbled when faced with security issues, the US liberal approach to Tunisia unfolded more consistently. Although the US continued formal cooperation with Ben Ali’s regime, it empowered at the same time a coalition of democratic opponents, solving the security–democracy dilemma and positively influencing the Tunisian democratisation.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 Poe and Meernik, “US Military Aid in the 1980s.”

2 Allison and Beschel, “Can the United States Promote Democracy?”; Diamond, “Promoting Democracy”; Gaddis, “International Relations Theory and the End of the Cold War.”

3 Meernik, Krueger, and Poe, “Testing Models of US Foreign Policy.”

4 Mastanduno, “Preserving the Unipolar Moment.”

5 Smith, Foreign Attachments, 64.

6 Mearsheimer, “Future of the American Pacifier.”

7 Owen and Poznansky, “When Does America Drop Dictators?”

8 Hinnebusch, “Authoritarian Persistence.”

9 Fabbrini, “Anti-Americanism and US Foreign Policy.”

10 Owen, “How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace.”

11 Cook, False Dawn: Protest, Democracy, and Violence, 24.

12 Ottaway and Carothers, “Middle East Democracy.”

13 Sadiki, Rethinking Arab Democratization, 18.

14 Selim, International Dimensions of Democratization in Egypt, 91–92.

15 Poppe, “Harmony and Resilience.”

16 Scott and Carter, “From Cold War to Arab Spring”; Scott and Carter, ‘‘Promoting Democracy in Latin America.”

17 Lebovic, “National Interests and US Foreign Aid”; Meernik, Krueger and Poe, “Testing Models of US Foreign Policy.”

18 Huber, Democracy Promotion and Foreign Policy, 51.

19 Data set on US foreign funds is available at https://www.usaid.gov/data/dataset/49c01560-6cd7-4bbc-bfef-7a1991867633

20 Cox, Ikenberry, and Inoguchi, American Democracy Promotion, 743.

21 Monten, Roots of the Bush Doctrine, 123; McFaul, “Democracy Promotion as a World Value.”

22 Markakis, US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East.

23 Lake, Hierarchy in International Relations.

24 Owen and Poznansky, “When Does America Drop Dictators?”

25 Dalacoura, “US Democracy Promotion”; Bridoux and Russell, “Liberal Democracy Promotion in Iraq.”

26 Bush, Taming of Democracy Assistance.

27 Poppe, “Harmony and Resilience,” 532.

28 Murphy and Gause, “Democracy and US Policy”; Cavatorta, “International Context of Morocco’s Stalled Democratization”; Brownlee, Democracy Prevention.

29 Ambrosio, “Democratic States and Authoritarian Firewalls.”

30 Selim, The International Dimensions; Fabbrini and Yossef, “Obama’s Wavering.”

31 Mearsheimer, Great Delusion.

32 Ottaway and Carothers, “Middle East Democracy.”

34 Jervis, “Why the Bush Doctrine Cannot Be Sustained.”

35 Between May and July 2005, the Egyptian Parliament passed a number of important pieces of legislation relating to political participation.

36 Dunne, Evaluating Egyptian Reform.

37 Riccardone, “US–Egyptian Relations: On Track – Ambassador Francis Ricciardone’s Remarks to the American Chamber of Commerce in Egypt,” http://cairo.usembassy.gov/ambassador/tr053106.html.

38 Durac, “Impact of External Actors.”

39 Craner, “Democracy in the Middle East.”

40 Poppe, “Harmony and Resilience,” 537.

41 ‘Gallup surveys asked Egyptians between 2005 and 2008 if they believed the United States was “serious about encouraging the establishment of democratic systems of governance in the region”, 63 percent disagreed’. Selim, International Dimensions of Democratization in Egypt, 94.

42 The US State Department released official statements to express its disagreement for activist unfair treatment. See for instance https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2006/64073.htm

43 Interviews with political activists in Tunisia in 2017, 2018 and 2019.

44 Durac and Cavatorta, “Strengthening Authoritarian Rule”; Powel, “Stability Syndrome.”

45 Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi.

46 The popular protests that were crisscrossing the region, the so-called bread riots, erupted in Tunisia in January 1984.

47 Halliday, "Tunisia’s Uncertain Future.”

48 Sorkin, “Tunisian Model.”

49 Haugbølle and Cavatorta, “Will the Real Tunisian Opposition Please Stand up.”

50 Fuentes, “Divisive Electoral Policies.”

51 “Remarks by President George W. Bush at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy,” Washington, DC, November 6, 2003. http://www.ned.org/george-w-bush/remarks-by-president-george-w-bush-at-the-20thanniversary

52 Brownlee, Democracy Prevention, 81.

53 Abadi, “Tunisia and Israel: Relations under Stress.”

54 For more information on the meeting, see https ://www.democracynow.org/2004/2/18/human_rights_groups_call_on_bush

55 Interview with Radwan Masmoudi, 2018.

56 On the higher attention of the Arab Bulletin about Tunisia, see

http://carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=1345&prog=zgp&proj=zdrl#tunisia

57 For more information on Neila Charchour’s participation at the American Enterprise Institute conference, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0FMlZ3XYRLY

The author also held an interview with Neila Charchour, 2017. See also the US reaction to the Neila Charchour harassement: https://20012009.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2006/64073.htm?fbclid=IwAR3RpAKj16Zrj_ytLh2S9nZio_C0rYr7qozpYy848BlIzomPmqmu20MBEhg

58 Interview with Nejiib Chebbi, 2019.

59 Interview with William Lawrence, 2018.

60 Interview with Radwan Masmoudi, 2018.

61 Cook, False Dawn: Protest, Democracy, and Violence, 124.

62 Letter from Ambassador William Hudson to State Department, Department of State, Case No. F-2014-04764 Doc No. C06004794.

63 This statement is backed by interviews with prominent activists of Tunisia in the pre-revolutionary time.

64 Stepan and Linz, “Democratization Theory and the ‘Arab Spring.’”

65 Author’s interview with William Lawrence, Washington DC, 2018.

66 Ibid.

67 This statement issued from interviews with US NGOs officials and US diplomats.

68 Néjib Chebbi was a prominent figure of the Tunisian opposition before the 2011 revolution.

70 Stacher, Watermelon Democracy, 34.

71 Collectif 18 Octobre pour les droits & les libertés en Tunisie, “Notre Voie vers la démocratie”. https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B-hTPhszPJngNTdqdXd3TFBVRlZQWUtDazY2ZlFNdFFDUU5F/view?pref=2&pli=1

72 Interviews with Tunisian political activists.

73 Financial Times, “Interview Transcript: Rachid Ghannouchi,” 18 January 18, 2011. https://www.ft.com/content/24d710a6-22ee-11e0-ad0b-00144feab49a

74 Interview with Robert Herman, Freedom House, 2018.

75 Interview with a Tunisian political activist.

76 Interview with Sameer Jarriah, Freedom House officer involved in the Young Leaders Program, 2018.

77 Interviews with William Lawrence and Gordon Gray, 2019.

78 These statements issued from interviews with prominent activists of Tunisia in the pre-revolutionary time.

79 Brownlee, Democracy Prevention, 89.

80 Ibid., 99.

81 Poppe, “Harmony and Resilience,” 539.

82 Stacher, Watermelon Democracy, 162.

84 Brownlee, Democracy Prevention, 134.

85 Human Rights Watch on Condoleeza Rice Visit, https://www.refworld.org/docid/48ce1d9a1d.html

86 WikiLeaks Cables. US Embassy cables: “Tunisia - a US foreign policy conondrum”. Accessed 22 April, 2020. https://www.theguardian.com/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/217138

87 Ibid.

88 Gray, Tunisia and the Start of the Arab Spring.

89 Interview with Gordon Gray. For more information, see Ibid.

90 U.S. Department of State, Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No.C05778031.

91 U.S. Department of State, Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No.C05785998.

92 U.S. Department of State, Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No.C05778000.

93 Clinton, “Remarks,” quoted in Cook, False Dawn: Protest, Democracy, and Violence, 21–2.

94 “US Urges Restraint in Egypt, Says Government Stable,” Reuters, January 25, 2011, http://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFJOE70O0

95 « Biden: Mubarak Is Not a Dictator, but People Have a Right to Protest,” PBS NewsHour, January 27, 2011, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/politics/jan-june11/biden_01–27.html

Office of the Press Secretary, “Remarks by the President in State of Union Address,” January 25, 2011, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/01/25/remarks-president-state-union-address

96 Brownlee, Democracy Prevention, 144.

97 Fabbrini and Yossef, "Obama’s Wavering.”

98 Interview with IRI and NDI officials.

99 This includes the 2012 attack on the US embassy in Tunis.

100 Carothers, “End of the Transition Paradigm,” 19.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Pietro Marzo

Pietro Marzo is a PhD candidate in political science at Laval University (Québec, Canada). He is a research associate to the Canada Research Chair in Public Diplomacy and a research associate to the Interdisciplinary Research Centre on Africa and Middle East (CIRAM). His publications have appeared in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Journal of North African Studies and Middle Eastern Studies.

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