https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7869-1110
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ABSTRACT
In this article, we analyze the public debate on fertility decline and abortion in Italy, focusing on demographic anxieties, fueled by conservative demographers and politicians, about the different reproductive behavior of native Italians and migrants. We argue that vitapolitics, a moral regime that defends “life” and condemns abortion, is one of the main mechanisms of reproductive governance in Italy. Drawing on two studies 1) on pro-life volunteers’ activism and 2) gynecologists’ attitudes to abortion and conscientious objection, we illustrate how vitapolitics shapes the demographic anxieties of these two social actors, who contribute to discipline reproduction on the ground.
Acknowledgements
The research undertaken by Dr. De Zordo was approved by Goldsmiths (University of London) Ethics Committee, and the Ethics Committees of the Hospitals involved in the study.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1. At the public events that we attended speakers used the term “women” when talking about pregnant people seeking abortion care or support during pregnancy, and our interviewees did the same. However, we acknowledge that gender nonbinary and transgender people may also seek abortion. When referring to women in this article, we mean women and pregnant people.
2. Subscriptions enable individuals or groups to “adopt” pregnant women considering abortion with an allocation of € 160 per 18 months. Adopters know the child’s name, date of birth and may receive a photograph, but do not meet the mother and/or child.
3. The Italian region with the highest rate of migrant population since 2010 is Lombardy, followed by Lazio, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Piedmont. Migrant women have different origins and migration patterns. The most represented countries of origin are Romania, Albania, Morocco, China, and Ukraine (Istat 2021).
4. According to the Pro-life Movement data, in 2010 there were 58 CAVs in Lombardy, 45 in Piedmont and Valle d’Aosta and 15 in Lazio. In 2016, 57 in Lombardy and 22 in Lazio. In Piedmont and Valle d’Aosta, their number dropped to 36 (some centers exited from the Movement due to disagreements with its leadership). See: http://www.mpv.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Dossier-2016-TESTO-per-sito.pdf.
5. Women migrating to Italy are usually defined as “foreigners” (straniere) in official statistics, policy documents, and in scientific papers. This term was also employed by our interviewees, along with “immigrant women” (donne immigrate) or “non-EU citizens” (extracomunitarie). We use inverted commas for the emic terms from political and scientific discourses or interviews.
6. See the findings from the European Research Council funded research project on barriers to legal abortion in Italy and other European countries where abortion is legal: https://europeabortionaccessproject.org/studies-findings/#studies_6.
7. Italian citizenship is tied to the principle of ius sanguinis. A child born to foreign parents can apply for citizenship only after turning 18, if she/he has resided in the country up to that time. In 2015 the Chamber approved a reform introducing two additional criteria for obtaining citizenship before the age of 18. However, the reform, presented to the Senate in 2017, was not approved.
8. https://www.fratelli-italia.it/2017/06/20/ius-soli-la-russa-italia-non-sia-sala-parto-dellafrica.
10. “Bambini mancanti o mancati. Parla il professor Blangiardo dell’Università Bicocca,” http://www.siallavitaweb.it/2016/10/21/1731.
11. On the circulation at European level of this type of analysis see Datta (Citation2018).
14. NASKO is a twist of “nasco,” literally “I am born.”
15. The fund was distributed until 2015. Over the years, the amount paid out monthly decreased and the length of time of residence in Lombardy required to gain access to this funding increased.
16. See note 3. Since 2017 published data are slightly different, making the comparison complex.
17. In 2010, 51% of these women came from Africa (mostly from Morocco and Nigeria); 19% from Europe (mostly from Romania and Moldova), 19% from South America (mostly from Peru and Ecuador) and 11% from Asia (mostly from the Philippines and Siri Lanka). In 2016, 60% came from Africa; 15% from Europe, 14% from South America and 11% from Asia.
18. Most objectors at the four hospitals defined themselves as Catholic, while most abortion providers defined themselves as non-religious. However, between a third to a quarter of abortion providers in the two cities defined themselves as religious and at HA (Rome) 4 out of 11 objectors as “non-religious” or “not practicing.”
19. Many physicians labeled women who had repeat abortions as “recidivists.” For an analysis of the stigmatization of women having abortions within Italian public hospitals providing abortion care, see De Zordo (Citation2018).
Additional information
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Notes on contributors
Claudia Mattalucci
Claudia Mattalucci is Associate Professor in Cultural Anthropology at the Department of Human Sciences of Education “R. Massa,” University of Milano-Bicocca, Italy. Her work focuses on the anthropology of reproduction; kinship and gender; abortion, pregnancy loss and reproductive rights in Italy. Contact her at: [email protected] ORCID ID:0000-0001-7869-1110
Silvia De Zordo
Silvia de Zordo, social anthropologist, is Ramón y Cajal Researcher at the University of Barcelona, Spain. Her research interests encompass reproductive governance, abortion, and social/gender inequalities in Latin America and Europe. She is the PI on a ERC-funded project (680004) on barriers to legal abortion and abortion travel in Europe: https://europeabortionaccessproject.org/ ORCID ID: 0000-0002-8956-6566