Mythmaking in Alien Abduction Narratives

Abstract

Examination of alien abduction discourse has the potential to inform our understanding of symbolic practices. This essay uses 130 narratives of individuals who claim to have had contact with extraterrestrial beings to argue that alien abduction discourse is a living myth. This myth—the Myth of Communion—is rhetorically significant because it illustrates the formative power of narrative while also revealing certain characteristics about our cultural condition.

Keywords:

• Alien Abduction
• Myth
• Mythic Narrative
• UFO Experiences

Notes

To assure anonymity participants were assigned pseudonyms.

Most of the individuals in my population, as well as those reported in the literature, seem to live normal productive lives – they simply claim to have been witness to extraordinary things. Some, of course, harbor delusions and fantasies, but (in) validating their claims is beyond the scope of this paper.

Since Carl Jung (1978) made the observation that UFOs “have become a living myth” (p. 16) many scholars have noted the mythic dimensions of the abduction phenomenon (Brookesmith 1998; Curran 1985 Malmstrom and Coffman 1979; Matheson 1998; McLachian 1994; Peebles 1994; Saler, Ziegler, and Moore 1997; Thompson 1991). These critiques, based mainly on anecdotal evidence, do not systematically explore abduction texts as a living belief system. Bullard (1992 1989a 1989b 1987) in his exploration of abduction as folklore comes closest to my mythic approach.

Two issues of Communication Studies address the utility and limitations of myth criticism (Winter 1990 and Summer 1990).

The obvious example here is Antigone, who in one version of the myth was exiled, in a second murdered, and in a third, took her own life (Tripp, 1974, 54). Each myth plays out the consequences of the characters' actions and functions to prescribe correct moral act.

In the most limited definition, an “abductee” is someone who is taken against their will to an alien location; “experiencers” are those individuals who have interactions with extraterrestrials, but do not necessarily leave terrestrial locations.

This same body of literature does, however, speak to the existence of several peculiarities among abductees that distinguish them from the general population (Bader 2003; Bloecher, Clamar, & Hopkins 1985; Parnell 1988; Ring & Rosing 1990; Rodeghier, Goodpaster & Blatterbauer 1991).

For a more in depth reporting of these and other demographics and characteristics, see Kelley-Romano (in press).

In the present narrative category – physical salvation – most individuals would be categorized as experiencers. Abductees dominate the “hybridization” narrative category, which is discussed in the next section.

Interestingly, while more than half of hybridization narratives (60%) included explicit descriptions of physical exams less than half (40%) of betterment of humanity narratives included any reference to a physical examination.

As noted earlier, the “head” or “doctor” aliens are lighter in color and taller – clearly the fact that those more prestigious aliens are whiter is racially significant.

Within the current population (N = 130), 25 believe themselves to be part extraterrestrial.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Stephanie Kelley-Romano

Stephanie Kelley-Romano (PhD, University of Kansas, 1999) is an Assistant Professor of Rhetoric