Electric Empires: From Countercultural Movement to Corporate Enterprise

ABSTRACT

This article explores the emergence of the Electronic Dance Music (EDM) subculture, and how it transitioned from being perceived as a deviant subculture into a more legitimate culture industry. Using a historical analysis of documents, interviews with industry professionals, and ethnographic observations at EDM events; we explore the process by which this transition occurred. As we argue, the defining features of the EDM subculture also laid the foundations for outsiders to commodify the movement as a culture industry. We identify the concept of “subcultural appropriation” as the mechanism by which the movement’s politically dissident features were removed, and its place as a multi-billion dollar industry made possible. Long adherents to the subculture we interviewed, noted that this rise in popularity came at the cost of feelings of solidarity and commitment to core values of the subculture. We conclude with a discussion of how this study addresses limitations of the culture industry thesis, and argue for its continued utility to the study of subcultures and social groups.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

¹ While some have argued that the utility of the term subculture has been made undermined by over use (see Yinger 1960), we note the early EDM culture of the 1980s more adequately reflects a counterculture in the sense described by other scholars (Anderson 2009; Fine and Kleinman 1979; Haenfler 2013).

² One interview respondent I talked with alleged that Insomniac had edited the Wikipedia history erasing him but had since recently reedited the entry adding him back into it. It is true that his name, and references to it, have been omitted by the corporate promoters who now organize EDC.

³ Critics often cite Adorno’s critique of Jazz as being elitist, as if Adorno had a bias against Jazz and a preference for what qualifies as “high” art consumed by an intellectual elite. However, Adorno’s critique of Jazz was that while musicians claim it is spontaneously produced that it in fact conforms to convention and norms that have been imposed as Jazz has become more refined.

⁴ One reading of this could be something that was more inclusive of gay men of color, and resisted the dominant white cultures within and outside of the gay club scene.

⁵ Many of the fans and promoters we talked too noted how this often came in the form of canned food drives, volunteering to flyer, or provide some other essential need.

⁶ Ycaza (2014) reports that the artist has recently apologized for his hostile attitude and negative comments. One example of this is his 2002 song in which he proclaimed that “no one listens to techno..”

⁷ Other examples include the Los Angeles coliseum, former site of the Electric Daisy Carnival, and the Indianapolis motor speedway which hosts EDM events during the Indianapolis 500.

⁸ The increasing alignment with EDM promoters and politicians has been prompted by the “creative class initiative” (see Florida 2002)—which is the idea that to save city economies public officials should focus on creation and promotion of cultural products.

⁹ The LA times reported Live Nation payed $50 million for the partnership (Miller 2013).

¹⁰ This is based on informal conversations with a 40 year old female industry professional, and several other industry insiders, while on a backstage pre-production tour of the EDC.

¹¹ In many ways it would be like banning the anarchy symbol, spiked collars, and biker chains worn by many punk rockers trying to attend a punk rock show..

¹² The process and transition of EDC from a locally organized event into a corporately organized culture industry, illustrates how what Marcuse (1964) calls new bureaucratic forms of control that shape the rationale and organization of contemporary culture. This corporately organized aspect of contemporary culture losses its capacity to criticize society and implicitly reinforces the status quo.

¹³ Some may notice the billboards look very similar to a gay pride advertisement, and the event occurs during the month when the Stonewall Riots are commemorated.

¹⁴ One fan who responded suggested I check the court records to find a lawsuit which alleges that Pasquale stole the name Electric Daisy Carnival without permission (see Enos v. Rotella).

¹⁵ In several online forums younger attendees would take shirtless pictures emphasizing their chiseled abs, toned and sculpted bodies, and to brag about how many women or men they could attract. Critics of such displays referred to women engaging in these behaviors as “prostitots” and men as engaging in “bro culture..”

¹⁶ I also heard DJs, promoters, and other industry professionals make similar slurs while backstage at EDC.

Additional information

Funding

The work was supported by the Midwest Sociological Society [N/A].

Notes on contributors

Christopher T. Conner

Christopher T. Conner is Teaching Assistant Professor of Sociology (NTT) at The University of Missouri, Columbia. His research is at the intersection of criminology/deviance, social movements, technology, gender and sexuality, and social theory. His work explores how subgroups become legitimate in the mind of the public, and how these groups maintain their autonomy and commitment to core values in light of these shifts. He has explored this process for members of the Electronic Dance Music Subculture, Gay Men and Gay Spaces, and how right-wing extremists exploit this achieve legitimacy within contemporary politics. He has also co-edited numerous anthologies including ”The Gayborhood: From Sexual Liberation to Cosmopolitan Spectacle,” ”Forgotten Founders and Other Neglected Social Theorists,” and ”Studies in Symbolic Interaction: Subcultures.” Currently, he is completing a manuscript on extremist movements and conspiracy theories for Lexington Books. He is co-author of full length manuscript titled Electronic Dance Music: From Deviant Subculture to Culture Industry with Rowman and Littlefield (anticipated release date winter 2022/2023).

David R. Dickens

David R. Dickens is Professor of Sociology at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. He has published extensively on social theory, community, leisure and identity, and culture. Additionally, his work also includes studies on the culture of Iran. His work explores how individuals react to larger historical and structural changes happening in society. His 41 publications include an edited volume titled Postmodernism and Social Inquiry (with Andrea Fontana) and Las Vegas: The Social Production of an All-American City. He is co-editor of Neglected Theorists of Color with Lexington Books (with Korey Tillman and Chico Herbison). He is remembered by his students for his kindness, extensive knowledge, and for late night office hours over panda express talking about sports.